Nga Anders Fogh Rasmussen<\/p>\n
Kopenhagen \u2013 N\u00eb shekullin XIX-t\u00eb, fuqia bot\u00ebrore i p\u00ebrkiste atyre q\u00eb kontrollonin detet. N\u00eb shekullin XXI, ajo do t\u2019u p\u00ebrkas\u00eb atyre q\u00eb sundojn\u00eb mbi autostradat tona dixhitale. N\u00ebse Per\u00ebndimi nuk arrin t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb veprime t\u00eb shpejta, autokrat\u00ebt e bot\u00ebs, dhe shtetet jo demokratike t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Kina, do t\u00eb jen\u00eb ata q\u00eb do ta fitojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gar\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb Per\u00ebndim i p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb dhe i ngadalt\u00eb, nuk ka arritur t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet si duhet me qasjen strategjike t\u00eb investimeve kineze, dhe qasja e tij e \u00e7uditshme, se si t\u00eb menaxhoj\u00eb propozimet nga gjigandi kinez i telekomunikacionit Hua\u00ebei, ka d\u00ebshmuar nj\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme t\u00eb strategjive.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb mbar\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn, p\u00ebrgjigjet variojn\u00eb n\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimit t\u00eb shteteve vetjake, si p\u00ebr shembull n\u00eb Danimark\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa ka nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim m\u00eb t\u00eb hapur, n\u00eb Hungari, Itali dhe Republik\u00ebn \u00c7eke. Edhe brenda komunitetit anglofon t\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs \u201cFive Eyes\u201d, qeverit\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb bien dakord, se si t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjen k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm n\u00eb prapasken\u00eb, t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb s\u00eb Hua\u00ebei. Shtetet e Bashkuara, Australia dhe Zelanda e Re, kan\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje kufizuese, nd\u00ebrsa Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul se ka mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb zbus\u00eb rreziqet potenciale, edhe pse Uashingtoni mbetet i shqet\u00ebsuar.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb delikate. N\u00ebse vendet demokratike, duan t\u00eb mbeten lojtare t\u00eb besueshme, ato do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb dallimet e tyre, dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebhen bashk\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur standartet dhe rregullat p\u00ebr gjeneratat e ardhshme. N\u00ebse ne i p\u00ebrmbahemi qasjes son\u00eb t\u00eb rast\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e teknologjis\u00eb, do ta lejojm\u00eb Kin\u00ebn t\u00eb diktoj\u00eb kushtet e revolucionit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm industrial.<\/p>\n
Hua\u00ebei tani po nd\u00ebrmerr nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me publikun, p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar shtetet q\u00eb jan\u00eb skeptike mbi infrastruktur\u00ebn e saj 5G. Qeverit\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb me kujdes mbi rreziqet:5G do t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb rregullat e loj\u00ebs, duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb vjet\u00ebruara lidhjet me fibra, dhe shum\u00eb nga teknologjit\u00eb ekzistuese.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse dominon kjo kompani kineze e mb\u00ebshtetur nga Pekini, bota do t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet mbi nj\u00eb shtet komunist. Dhe kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb q\u00eb un\u00eb e d\u00ebshiroj p\u00ebr nip\u00ebrit e mbesat e mia. Kina paraqet sfid\u00ebn m\u00eb afatgjat\u00eb, por ajo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i vet\u00ebm, q\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n
Shtetet keq-dash\u00ebse Rusia, Irani dhe Koreja e Veriut, po synojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme, t\u00eb militarizojn\u00eb internetin, t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapin informacione t\u00eb rreme, dhe t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrojn\u00eb sisteme jetike p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb ton\u00eb. K\u00ebto vende, po p\u00ebrdorin platforma q\u00eb mund t\u00eb anashkalojn\u00eb filtrat tradicional\u00eb, dhe kan\u00eb krijuar narrativa t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruara, t\u00eb cilat e kan\u00eb polarizuar diskursin tone, dhe kan\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar unitetin e Per\u00ebndimit.<\/p>\n
Komuniteti demokratik duhet t\u00eb zgjohet. N\u00ebse vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrojm\u00eb vet\u00ebm, do ta humbasim k\u00ebt\u00eb gar\u00eb vendimtare. Ne kemi nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Aleanc\u00eb Dixhitale t\u00eb Demokracive. Kjo aleanc\u00eb e re duhet ta filloj\u00eb pun\u00ebn e vet, duke r\u00ebn\u00eb dakord mbi nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb standardesh dhe parimesh, dhe me krijimin e organeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, q\u00eb do t\u2019i monitorojn\u00eb ato.<\/p>\n
Marr\u00ebveshja e P\u00ebrgjithshme mbi Tarifat dhe Tregtin\u00eb (GATT), u n\u00ebnshkrua p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar standardet e tregtis\u00eb globale, dhe ajo evoluoi m\u00eb pas n\u00eb Organizat\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb Tregtis\u00eb (OBT). Ngjash\u00ebm, nj\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshje Globale mbi Flukset Dixhitale, mund t\u00eb evoluoj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb Organizat\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb t\u00eb Dh\u00ebnave.<\/p>\n
Bashkimi Evropian ka ndjekur nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb ngjashme p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave, duke miratuar Rregulloren e P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb Mbrojtjes s\u00eb t\u00eb Dh\u00ebnave (GDPR), si standard q\u00eb leht\u00ebson marr\u00ebveshjet mbi shk\u00ebmbimin e t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave me Japonin\u00eb, Koren\u00eb e Jugut, dhe potencialisht nj\u00eb kontrat\u00eb t\u00eb Mburoj\u00ebs s\u00eb Privat\u00ebsis\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb harmonizoj\u00eb standardet e SHBA-BE n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00eb.<\/p>\n
\u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fillim i mir\u00eb, por jo aq sa duhet. Natyra p\u00ebrshkruese e GDPR, n\u00ebnkupton se ajo ishte e vjet\u00ebruar pa u thar\u00eb mir\u00eb boja. Ai e trajton bot\u00ebn si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb, dhe jo si\u00e7 ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb 20 vitet e ardhshme. Japonia ka th\u00ebn\u00eb se do ta b\u00ebj\u00eb standardizimin e t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave, si prioritet t\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb G20.<\/p>\n
BE-ja duhet t\u2019ia huazoj\u00eb k\u00ebsaj nisme, superfuqin\u00eb e saj rregullatore, dhe SHBA-ja fuqin\u00eb e saj t\u00eb madhe teknologjike. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 rregullave dhe standardeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, q\u00eb do t\u00eb zbatohen dhe mbik\u00ebqyren n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb uniforme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aleanc\u00eb, Per\u00ebndimi duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim praktik, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb zbulimet teknologjike, q\u00eb do t\u00eb na lejojn\u00eb t\u00eb rimarrim avantazhin n\u00eb gar\u00ebn me Kin\u00ebn, n\u00eb fusha t\u00eb tilla si informatika kuantike.<\/p>\n
Nuk ka asnj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. N\u00ebse ne i p\u00ebrmbahemi qasjes son\u00eb t\u00eb rast\u00ebsishme, mbi t\u00eb ardhmen e teknologjis\u00eb, do t\u00eb lejojm\u00eb q\u00eb Kina t\u00eb diktoj\u00eb kushtet e revolucionit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm industrial. Dhe n\u00ebse ia dor\u00ebzojm\u00eb bot\u00ebn dixhitale shteteve jodemokratike, do t\u00eb kemi vet\u00ebdor\u00ebzuar demokracin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Sh\u00ebnim: Anders Fogh Rasmussen, ish-kryeminist\u00ebr i Danimark\u00ebs dhe ish-sekretar i P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i NATO-s, \u00ebsht\u00eb themeluesi i Fondacionit t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs s\u00eb Demokracive.<\/p>\n
\u201cPolitico.eu\u201d \u2013 Bota.al<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Nga Anders Fogh Rasmussen Kopenhagen \u2013 N\u00eb shekullin XIX-t\u00eb, fuqia bot\u00ebrore i p\u00ebrkiste atyre q\u00eb kontrollonin detet. N\u00eb shekullin XXI, ajo do t\u2019u p\u00ebrkas\u00eb atyre q\u00eb sundojn\u00eb mbi autostradat tona dixhitale. N\u00ebse Per\u00ebndimi nuk arrin t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb veprime t\u00eb shpejta, autokrat\u00ebt e bot\u00ebs, dhe shtetet jo demokratike t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Kina, do t\u00eb jen\u00eb ata […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":8166,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9,4],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\n