{"id":4775,"date":"2019-03-15T14:55:48","date_gmt":"2019-03-15T13:55:48","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=4775"},"modified":"2019-03-15T14:55:48","modified_gmt":"2019-03-15T13:55:48","slug":"autoritarizmi-ne-epoken-e-informacionit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=4775","title":{"rendered":"Autoritarizmi n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e informacionit"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga Jacob Shapiro<\/strong><\/p>\n

Rendi global, i udh\u00ebhequr nga SHBA-ja, ka nj\u00eb neveri t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb ndaj autoritarizmit, dhe me arsye t\u00eb forta. Centralizimi i pushtetit politik, n\u00eb duart e nj\u00eb individi ose partie politike, fyen ndjeshm\u00ebrit\u00eb liberale demokratike. Kjo gjithashtu, \u00e7on shpesh n\u00eb regjime politike, q\u00eb jan\u00eb shtyp\u00ebse n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi dhe agresive jasht\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n

Por ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb rasti. S\u2019ka asgj\u00eb q\u00eb ndalon regjimet autoritare nga ruajtja e paqes, apo sigurimi i zbatimit t\u00eb barabart\u00eb t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, madje m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa nj\u00eb qeveri demokratike. Kritik\u00ebt e autoritarizmit, mendojn\u00eb di\u00e7ka m\u00eb t\u00eb keqe:totalitarizmin, nj\u00eb regjim autoritar, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin udh\u00ebheqja d\u00ebshiron nj\u00eb kontroll total jo vet\u00ebm mbi shtetin, por edhe mbi individin.<\/p>\n

Totalitarizmi, supozohet t\u00eb jet\u00eb praktikisht i pamundur n\u00eb shekullin XXI-t\u00eb. Regjimet totalitare t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb naziste dhe Rusis\u00eb staliniste, erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e tyre n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit XX-t\u00eb, kur televizioni ishte n\u00eb fillimet e veta, dhe shum\u00eb para ardhjes s\u00eb internetit.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto regjime, qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb kontrollonin plot\u00ebsisht informacionin q\u00eb konsumonin qytetar\u00ebt e tyre, \u00e7ka luante nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb madh n\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar, n\u00eb mos legjitimitetin e brendsh\u00ebm, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn pajtueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e verb\u00ebr t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs me urdhrat e qeveris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Koreja e Veriut, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet realisht totalitar, dhe kostoja e mbajtjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi, ka qen\u00eb izolimi gati i plot\u00eb nga bota, duke l\u00ebn\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e koreano-verior\u00ebve t\u00eb shokuar, t\u00eb varf\u00ebr dhe t\u00eb kequshqyer. Dallga n\u00eb rritje, e rritjes ekonomike, duhej t\u00eb ngrinte lart t\u00eb gjitha \u201canijet\u201d, dhe informimi p\u00ebrmes internetit, duhet t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm imunizues kund\u00ebr rishfaqjes s\u00eb rregjimeve t\u00eb tilla.<\/p>\n

Por gj\u00ebrat nuk po funksionojn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu. Jav\u00ebn e kaluar, RBK Group, nj\u00eb kompani mediatike ruse, raportoi se qeveria ruse po p\u00ebrgatitet t\u00eb shk\u00ebpus\u00eb p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht vendin nga interneti, p\u00ebr t\u00eb testuar elasticitetin e hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs ruse t\u00eb internetit, n\u00ebse nj\u00eb agresor i jasht\u00ebm do t\u00eb shk\u00ebpus\u00eb lidhjen e Rusis\u00eb me internetin global.<\/p>\n

Testi, q\u00eb pritet t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb diku para dat\u00ebs 1 prillit, \u00ebsht\u00eb i fundit n\u00eb nj\u00eb seri l\u00ebvizjesh nga ana e Mosk\u00ebs, p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur dhe t\u00eb qart\u00eb ruse t\u00eb internetit. Rusia, e cil\u00ebson zhvillimin e k\u00ebsaj infrastrukture si nj\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebri me synime mbrojt\u00ebse, e imponuar nga nj\u00eb SHBA gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb agresive, q\u00eb s\u00eb bashku me aleat\u00ebt e saj, mund t\u00eb manipuloj\u00eb internetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar interesat ruse.<\/p>\n

Por Rusia po b\u00ebn shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, sesa thjesht planifikimin e masave mbrojt\u00ebse p\u00ebr rastet e paparashikuara. Ajo e ka konsideruar forcimin e infrastruktur\u00ebs s\u00eb vet t\u00eb internetit, si nj\u00eb prioritet komb\u00ebtar q\u00eb prej vitit 2014, kur Ministria e Komunikimit simuloi efektet e shk\u00ebputjes nga interneti, duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm rezerv\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb tetorin e vitit 2017, K\u00ebshilli i Sigurimit i Rusis\u00eb, i k\u00ebrkoi qeveris\u00eb t\u00eb zhvilloj\u00eb nj\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur t\u00eb internetit. N\u00eb dhjetor 2018, n\u00eb parlament u propozua nj\u00eb projektligj, q\u00eb do t\u00eb krijonte Programin Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Ekonomis\u00eb Dixhitale, q\u00eb parashikon ndryshime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebn e internetit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, ofruesit e internetit dhe kompanit\u00eb e telekomunikacionit.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb e frik\u00ebson Mosk\u00ebn, \u00ebsht\u00eb se asnj\u00eb nga 12 organizatat q\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrin server\u00ebt q\u00ebndror\u00eb t\u00eb DNS, nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb Rusi. Dhe n\u00ebse Rusia do t\u00eb ndalohej nga DNS, qasja e saj n\u00eb informacion jasht\u00eb vendit do t\u00eb pengohej, dhe efektet do t\u00eb ishin katastrofike. (N\u00eb vitin 2018, 5.1 p\u00ebrqind e PPB-s\u00eb ruse erdhi nga ekonomia dixhitale, nj\u00eb sektor q\u00eb po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb jetik, teksa Rusia po p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb largoj\u00eb veten nga nafta.<\/p>\n

Por ka edhe aspekte t\u00eb tjera, q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me mbrojtjen e interesave kibernetik\u00eb t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. I gjith\u00eb trafiku i internetit n\u00eb Rusi, tani nuk do t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqet nga operator\u00ebt e rrjetit t\u00eb themeluar, por nga Sh\u00ebrbimi Federal i Rusis\u00eb p\u00ebr Mbik\u00ebqyrjen e Komunikimeve, Teknologjis\u00eb s\u00eb Informacionit dhe Medias, Roskomnadzor.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjith\u00eb operator\u00ebt e rrjetit rus, do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb instalojn\u00eb \u201cmjete t\u00eb posa\u00e7me teknike\u201d t\u00eb paidentifikuara, t\u00eb ofruara nga Roskomnadzor, q\u00eb kur t\u00eb aktivizohen, do t\u2019i japin mund\u00ebsi Roskomnadzor t\u00eb bllokoj\u00eb trafikun nga jasht\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, infrastruktura e re e internetit e pavarur e Rusis\u00eb, po nd\u00ebrtohet me nj\u00eb dizajn autoritar dhe potencialisht totalitar.<\/p>\n

Ndryshimet, mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb efekt t\u00eb madh se si rus\u00ebt p\u00ebrdorin internetin. Aktualisht, as Roskomnadzor dhe as Putin, nuk mund t\u00eb vendosin t\u00eb ndalojn\u00eb qasjen e rus\u00ebve n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb faqe interneti t\u00eb caktuar. Vet\u00ebm gjykatat n\u00eb vend, kan\u00eb autoritetin t\u00eb vendosin n\u00ebse nj\u00eb faqe apo sh\u00ebrbim internet, \u00ebsht\u00eb e paligjshme.<\/p>\n

Rusia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet autoritar, kryesisht nga nevoja. Eksperimentet e tij t\u00eb shkurtra me sundimin popullor, ishin jet\u00ebshkurtra dhe shpesh soll\u00ebn kaos, dhun\u00eb dhe korrupsion t\u00eb shfrenuar. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb madh\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe diversitetit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, autoritarizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar shpesh me impulse totalitare, t\u00eb shprehura nga Okhrana e Carit ose nga NKVD e Bashkimit Sovjetik.<\/p>\n

<\/div>\n

Me Putinin, Rusia nuk i \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruar p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht mjeteve t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb r\u00ebnda. Mjaftoi q\u00eb regjimi i Putinit t\u00eb shihej si nj\u00eb rend q\u00eb ka kthyer sigurin\u00eb ndaj shoq\u00ebris\u00eb ruse pas shembjes s\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik, dhe m\u00eb pas rikthimin e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb vendin e saj t\u00eb ligjsh\u00ebm n\u00eb bot\u00eb, si nj\u00eb fuqi e madhe globale.<\/p>\n

Por, nd\u00ebrsa sfidat e Rusis\u00eb jan\u00eb rritur, jan\u00eb shtuar edhe masat represive. Moska \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm shembulli m\u00eb i fundit, i nj\u00eb vendi q\u00eb kufizon qasjen n\u00eb internet. Kina, e ka censuruar internetin p\u00ebr dekada t\u00eb t\u00ebra. Gjithsesi, kinez\u00ebt kan\u00eb gjetur m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyer disa nga kufizimet e Partis\u00eb Komuniste.<\/p>\n

Vitet para se Xi Jinping t\u00eb b\u00ebhej president n\u00eb vitin 2012, shum\u00eb qytetar\u00eb kinez\u00eb po b\u00ebheshin m\u00eb aktiv\u00eb n\u00eb mediat sociale, ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb duke p\u00ebrdorur edhe internetin, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kritikuar qeverin\u00eb e tyre. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shenj\u00eb se sa ka ndryshuar Kina gjat\u00eb 7 viteve q\u00eb kur Xi erdhi n\u00eb pushtet, dhe kur kritika t\u00eb tilla online, po b\u00ebhen t\u00eb paimagjinueshme.<\/p>\n

Xi ka nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr hapash, p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebzhguar sjelljen e qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb internet, dhe mbi \u00e7far\u00eb informacioni ata mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb qasje. Presidenti kinez ka th\u00ebn\u00eb, se nuk do t\u00eb lejoj\u00eb ask\u00ebnd t\u00eb dhunoj\u00eb sovranitetin kibernetik t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ide e \u00e7uditshme.<\/p>\n

Interneti, sipas p\u00ebrkufizimit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ssovran. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rrjet global i kompjuterave t\u00eb lidhur nga kabllot n\u00ebnujore, dhe satelit\u00ebve n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb. Interneti \u00ebsht\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm, pik\u00ebrisht sepse nuk i p\u00ebrket asnj\u00eb vendi n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti. Kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, qeniet njer\u00ebzore nuk kan\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb qasje kaq t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb, dhe t\u00eb leht\u00eb tek informacioni.<\/p>\n

Dhe pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebsaj lirie, i druhet qeveria n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. Xi po p\u00ebrballet me detyr\u00ebn jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimit t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht forcimit t\u00eb legjitimitetit y\u00eb Partis\u00eb Komuniste. Dhe p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, Xi mendon se duhet t\u00eb kontrolloj\u00eb, se si mendojn\u00eb qyteterat e zakonsh\u00ebm kinez\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por edhe n\u00eb SHBA, Agjencia e Siguris\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare (NSA), mund t\u00eb monitoroj\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e asaj, ku mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb qasje qytetar\u00ebt e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara. Nj\u00eb raport i \u201cThe \u00cball Street Journal\u201d i vitit 2013, vler\u00ebson se 75 p\u00ebrqind e trafikut t\u00eb internetit n\u00eb SHBA, mund t\u00eb monitorohet nga NSA.<\/p>\n

Ndryshe nga Rusia apo Kina, SHBA-ja nuk ka asnj\u00eb shtys\u00eb politike t\u00eb kontrolloj\u00eb qasjen n\u00eb internet t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb. Por kjo nuk eliminon domosdoshm\u00ebrisht problemin themelor. Qeverit\u00eb kineze dhe ruse, diktojn\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit e tyre mund t\u00eb shohin n\u00eb internet, nga frika e mendimeve t\u00eb pavarura, t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimin e regjimet e tyre.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, problemi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb diktator totalitar, q\u00eb do t\u00eb ndalonte mendimin e pavarur, por mungesa e nj\u00eb mendimi t\u00eb till\u00eb. Kur nj\u00eb p\u00ebrdorues i internetit n\u00eb SHBA, k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb tem\u00eb n\u00eb Google, motori i k\u00ebrkimit prodhon shpesh mij\u00ebra apo edhe miliona rezultate. N\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e koh\u00ebs, p\u00ebrdoruesit nuk klikojn\u00eb tek t\u00eb gjitha.<\/p>\n

Uebajti \u201cAdvanced \u00cbeb Ranking\u201d, ka zbuluar se 75 p\u00ebr qind e p\u00ebrdoruesve, klikojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn nga pes\u00eb gj\u00ebrat e para q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb tek motori i k\u00ebrkimit. N\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb kuptimi, informacioni q\u00eb konsumon amerikani i zakonsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Google, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht m\u00eb i sakt\u00eb apo i pandjesh\u00ebm, \u00ebsht\u00eb informacioni q\u00eb ka vendosur algoritmi i Google, se \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i dobishmi.<\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb vlen edhe p\u00ebr Facebook, T\u00ebitter apo ndonj\u00eb faqe tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb mediave sociale.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb konsumojn\u00eb p\u00ebrdoruesit, p\u00ebrcaktohet nga algoritma t\u00eb dizajnuara nga koduesit e fshehur n\u00eb kampuset e tyre t\u00eb korporatave. Interneti ka demokratizuar informacionin, por jo dijen. Ajo se \u00e7far\u00eb informacioni k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb amerikan\u00ebt, p\u00ebrcaktohet nga nocione t\u00eb paracaktuara se si gj\u00ebrat duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb, m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sesa nga nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkim rigoroz p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Interneti, si \u00e7do teknologji, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mjet. Mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret nga diktator\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontrolluar mendimet dhe besimet. Ai mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret nga demagog\u00ebt, p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhdukur paragjykimet e masave. Mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret nga vendet, p\u00ebr t\u00eb sulmuar nj\u00ebri-tjetrin. Mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret nga shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebt, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndar\u00eb k\u00ebrkime dhe t\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/p>\n

Dhe mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr t\u00eb lidhur njer\u00ebz t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm, nga pjes\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Kur p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201carmatosur\u201d informacionin, interneti mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb kulte t\u00eb personalitetit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 21-t\u00eb. N\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e tij pasive, interneti mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj mendimi n\u00eb grup, nj\u00eb mentalitet t\u00eb turm\u00ebs, q\u00eb shurdhon tek dikush ndjenj\u00ebn e bot\u00ebs reale.<\/p>\n

Burimi m\u00eb i madh i pushtetit politik, ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb informacioni, dhe interneti \u00ebsht\u00eb mjeti m\u00eb i madh p\u00ebr transmetimin e informacionit, q\u00eb kur u shpik shtypshkronja. P\u00ebr mir\u00eb apo p\u00ebr keq, individ\u00ebt nuk mund t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb pa t\u00eb, dhe shtetet po m\u00ebsojn\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrdorur at\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime t\u00eb vjetra dhe t\u00eb njohura.\/\u201cGeopolitical Futures\u201d \u2013 Bota.al\/<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Jacob Shapiro Rendi global, i udh\u00ebhequr nga SHBA-ja, ka nj\u00eb neveri t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb ndaj autoritarizmit, dhe me arsye t\u00eb forta. Centralizimi i pushtetit politik, n\u00eb duart e nj\u00eb individi ose partie politike, fyen ndjeshm\u00ebrit\u00eb liberale demokratike. Kjo gjithashtu, \u00e7on shpesh n\u00eb regjime politike, q\u00eb jan\u00eb shtyp\u00ebse n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi dhe agresive jasht\u00eb vendit. Por ky […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":4776,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9,4],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nAutoritarizmi n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e informacionit - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=4775\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Autoritarizmi n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e informacionit - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nga Jacob Shapiro Rendi global, i udh\u00ebhequr nga SHBA-ja, ka nj\u00eb neveri t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb ndaj autoritarizmit, dhe me arsye t\u00eb forta. Centralizimi i pushtetit politik, n\u00eb duart e nj\u00eb individi ose partie politike, fyen ndjeshm\u00ebrit\u00eb liberale demokratike. Kjo gjithashtu, \u00e7on shpesh n\u00eb regjime politike, q\u00eb jan\u00eb shtyp\u00ebse n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi dhe agresive jasht\u00eb vendit. 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