Nga Gideon Rachman<\/p>\n
Gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb procesit t\u00eb Brexit, Britania \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7aj\u00eb 27 shtetet e tjera an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Por ka d\u00ebshtuar. P\u00ebr habin\u00eb e autoriteteve n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr (dhe ndoshta edhe vet\u00eb Brukselit), Bashkimi Evropian e ka nderuar emrin q\u00eb mban \u2013 duke q\u00ebndruar i bashkuar.<\/p>\n
Ky shfaqje e unitetit mbi Brexit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb aksident apo nj\u00eb rast\u00ebsi. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ajo thot\u00eb di\u00e7ka t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, p\u00ebrse projekti evropian \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb elastik, sesa e mendojn\u00eb kritik\u00ebt e tij. 27 vendet e vogla dhe t\u00eb mesme q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb BE-n\u00eb, kan\u00eb nj\u00eb interes t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur tregun e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt evropian.<\/p>\n
Ky imperativ strategjik, vet\u00ebm sa do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet m\u00eb i theksuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb form\u00ebsuar nga dy superfuqit\u00eb \u2013 SHBA-ja dhe Kina. Si Uashingtoni dhe Pekini, po p\u00ebrdorin gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb tregtin\u00eb dhe investimet si arm\u00eb politike. Si vende individuale, BE27 e din\u00eb se ato mund t\u00eb joshen nga superfuqit\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Por, si tregu m\u00eb i madh nd\u00ebrkufitar n\u00eb bot\u00eb, BE-ja e di se ka nj\u00eb pesh\u00eb t\u00eb krahasueshme me Kin\u00ebn dhe Amerik\u00ebn, dhe mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb s\u00ebrish ndikimin e vet. N\u00ebse Amerika vendos tarifa shtes\u00eb mbi makinat p\u00ebr prodhuesit evropian\u00eb gjat\u00eb muajve q\u00eb do t\u00eb vijn\u00eb, BE-ja mund t\u00eb kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjet me masa q\u00eb imponojn\u00eb kosto gati t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta edhe p\u00ebr SHBA-n\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Bashkimi Evropian po nd\u00ebrmerr gjithashtu nj\u00eb veprim t\u00eb unifikuar, kund\u00ebr transferimit teknologjik t\u00eb imponuar nga Kina. Dhe ajo i \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjur aneksimit t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb nga Rusia, duke imponuar sanksione q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb tregun e BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n
S\u2019ka dyshim se ekzistojn\u00eb ndarje t\u00eb thella brenda BE-s\u00eb. Polonia \u00ebsht\u00eb paditur nga Komisioni Evropian p\u00ebr largimin nga parimet demokratike. Italian\u00ebt dhe francez\u00ebt, po luftojn\u00eb kund\u00ebr buxheteve dhe kufijve. Hungarez\u00ebt dhe gjerman\u00ebt, jan\u00eb t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr refugjat\u00ebt. Greqia gati u d\u00ebbua nga eurozona.<\/p>\n
Por ndarjet e brendshme q\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ajn\u00eb BE27, jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb fuqishme nga presionet e jashtme, q\u00eb i b\u00ebjn\u00eb bashk\u00eb vendet e unionit. Kjo argument nganj\u00ebher\u00eb harrohet, madje edhe n\u00eb Bruksel, sepse BE-s\u00eb i p\u00eblqen t\u00eb quhet nj\u00eb bashkim \u201cvlerash\u201d. Megjithat\u00eb, ideja q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e BE-s\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb bashkuar nga vlerat e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbrojtur.<\/p>\n
Kryeministri i Hungaris\u00eb, Viktor Orban, dhe zv\/kryeministri i Italis\u00eb, Mateo Salvini, kan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta me Donald Trumpin n\u00eb SHBA (ose edhe Vladimir Putinin n\u00eb Rusi) sesa me Emanuel Makronin ose Angela Merkelin, udh\u00ebq\u00ebsit francez\u00eb dhe gjerman\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Qeverit\u00eb italiane, hungareze dhe polake, e dashurojn\u00eb retorik\u00ebn anti-Bruksel, t\u00eb favorizuar nga euroskeptik\u00ebt n\u00eb Britani. Por kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ata do t\u00eb shk\u00ebputen nga linja e Brukselit n\u00eb negociatat e Brexit. Ata e kuptojn\u00eb se interesat e tyre ekonomike dhe strategjike, sh\u00ebrbehen shum\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb duke u mb\u00ebshtetur tek BE27.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, Bashkimi Evropian duket gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb si nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtuar mbi interesat e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, sesa nj\u00eb bashkim vlerash. Biseda mbi aleancat, ka tendenc\u00eb t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsime n\u00eb Bruksel, pasi evokon koh\u00ebrat e luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Por n\u00eb shekullin XXI-t\u00eb, vendet evropiane kan\u00eb nj\u00eb interes t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u bashkuar me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa kund\u00ebr nj\u00ebri-tjetrit, si n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn. Mendimi p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb si nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb, sqaron gjithashtu nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb ngat\u00ebrruar \u2013 diskutimet e lirshme mbi nj\u00eb \u201cushtri evropiane\u201d.<\/p>\n
Formimi i nj\u00eb ushtrie t\u00eb till\u00eb nuk ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb, pasi BE-ja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet unitar. Por nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb e ngusht\u00eb ushtarake, ndoshta me nj\u00eb klauzol\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojtjes s\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb, duket di\u00e7ka e realizueshme. Deri n\u00eb ardhjen e administrat\u00ebs Trump, t\u00eb folurit mbi nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb ushtarake t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, do t\u00eb dukej si e tep\u00ebrt ose e rrezikshme \u2013 pasi ajo mund t\u00eb n\u00ebnvleft\u00ebsonte NATO-n. Por v\u00ebnia n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje nga zoti Trump i an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb NATO, e b\u00ebn t\u00eb kujdesshme vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr evropian\u00ebt t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar vet\u00eb sigurin\u00eb e tyre.<\/p>\n
BE ka ende nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb superfuqi ushtarake, dhe ndoshta mund t\u00eb mos b\u00ebhet kurr\u00eb nj\u00eb e till\u00eb. Por ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb lojtare globale n\u00eb tregtin\u00eb bot\u00ebrore, dhe rregullimin e biznesit. Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, pasi n\u00eb epok\u00ebn b\u00ebrthamore, superfuqit\u00eb kan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb luftojn\u00eb kund\u00ebr nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs me mjete ekonomike dhe jo ushtarake.<\/p>\n
Komisioni Evropian, \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb tashm\u00eb n\u00eb ball\u00eb t\u00eb sfidimit t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb monopol t\u00eb kompanive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha Silicon Valley si Apple, Amazon, Facebook dhe Google. Dhe tani po shqyrton m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr policimin e nd\u00ebrmarrjeve kineze q\u00eb veprojn\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, Kina, n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, \u00ebsht\u00eb eksperte n\u00eb prishjen e unitetit t\u00eb nj\u00eb aleance, duke ofruar nxitje p\u00ebr hallkat m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebta t\u00eb unionit.<\/p>\n
Kjo strategji \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur n\u00eb Nism\u00ebn e Brezit dhe Rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb Pekinit, e cila duket se do t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb projekte ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht josh\u00ebse p\u00ebr shtetet e vogla t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Lindore. Ato pastaj mund t\u00eb binden t\u00eb votojn\u00eb kund\u00ebr politik\u00ebs s\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb m\u00eb e ashp\u00ebr ndaj Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Por BE-ja do t\u2019i mbijetoj\u00eb ndarjes rast\u00ebsore mbi politik\u00ebn ndaj Kin\u00ebs apo SHBA-s\u00eb. Fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb se paketa e p\u00ebrfitimeve q\u00eb ofron BE, nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet kurr\u00eb nga SHBA apo Kina. Tregu i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt evropian ofron af\u00ebrsin\u00eb, madh\u00ebsin\u00eb, sigurin\u00eb ligjore, lirin\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, dhe nj\u00eb votim mbi ligjet dhe rregulloret e reja.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja se p\u00ebrse vendet si Polonia dhe Hungaria \u2013 q\u00eb kan\u00eb qejf t\u00eb ankohen p\u00ebr Brukselin \u2013 nuk kan\u00eb shum\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00eb largohen nga Bashkimi Evropian. Ka disa njer\u00ebz n\u00eb Varshav\u00eb, q\u00eb parashikojn\u00eb se Polonia do t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga BE-ja, n\u00eb momentin kur do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrpriten pagesat bujare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ndaj vendit. Por realiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb se edhe kontribuesit neto t\u00eb buxhetit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, humbasin shum\u00eb n\u00ebse largohen. Mjafton t\u00eb pyesni Britanin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
\u201cFinancial Times\u201d \u2013 Bota.al<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Nga Gideon Rachman Gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb procesit t\u00eb Brexit, Britania \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7aj\u00eb 27 shtetet e tjera an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Por ka d\u00ebshtuar. P\u00ebr habin\u00eb e autoriteteve n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr (dhe ndoshta edhe vet\u00eb Brukselit), Bashkimi Evropian e ka nderuar emrin q\u00eb mban \u2013 duke q\u00ebndruar i bashkuar. Ky shfaqje e unitetit mbi Brexit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3399,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9,4],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\n