Ecjen e elefant\u00ebve m\u00eb s\u00eb miri e d\u00ebgjojn\u00eb shtaz\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla, minjt\u00eb e milingonat. P\u00ebr ta \u00e7do hap i elefantit \u00ebsht\u00eb tronditje e madhe<\/p>\n
1.<\/p>\n
Kisha p\u00ebr t’u takuar me nj\u00eb parlamentar gjerman n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj jave, por n\u00eb t\u00eb afruar ora e takimit arriti mesazhi i keqardhjes q\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb shprehej k\u00ebshtu: Na vjen keq q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb takoheni me zot\u00ebrin\u00eb B., por, si\u00e7 e dini, pas k\u00ebsaj fundjave t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb rr\u00ebmuj\u00eb e madhe.<\/p>\n
Ajo q\u00eb u quajt rr\u00ebmuj\u00eb e madhe qe paraqitja e n\u00ebnkryetarit amerikan Pence, duke k\u00ebrkuar q\u00eb aleat\u00ebt evropian\u00eb t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqen nga Marr\u00ebveshja b\u00ebrthamore me Iranin dhe p\u00ebrgjigjja e kancelares gjermane Merkel se aleat\u00ebt evropian\u00eb nuk do ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb se nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyr programin b\u00ebrthamor iranian, sado e kritikueshme t\u00eb mund\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mir\u00eb se asnj\u00eb kapacitet mbik\u00ebqyrjeje t\u00eb programit b\u00ebrthamor.<\/p>\n
Dhe kjo p\u00ebrgjigje e kancelares Merkel erdhi n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin fjalim n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Munih, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin po ashtu kritikoi SHBA-n\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00ebrheqje nga marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr raketat balistike t\u00eb b\u00ebra me Mosk\u00ebn.<\/p>\n
Dhe i t\u00ebr\u00eb ky k\u00ebmbim q\u00eb shp\u00ebrfaq dallimet mes SHBA-s\u00eb dhe Evrop\u00ebs ishte duke u p\u00ebrgatitur disa vjet.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr shum\u00ebk\u00ebnd ky \u00ebsht\u00eb produkt i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb i presidentit Trump dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb tij t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme amerikane, ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe me cic\u00ebrima Twitteri. Por, n\u00eb fakt, ndon\u00ebse sjellja e presidentit Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht jokonvencionale dhe v\u00ebshtir\u00eb e parashikueshme edhe p\u00ebr partner\u00ebt tradicional\u00eb amerikan\u00eb, nj\u00eb ndarje e k\u00ebtill\u00eb me Evrop\u00ebn ka qen\u00eb duke u p\u00ebrgatitur edhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt, me vendimin strategjik t\u00eb presidentit Obama se problemi m\u00eb i madh me t\u00eb cilin do t\u00eb merrej SHBA-ja ishte Kina, gjegj\u00ebsisht roli i k\u00ebsaj fuqie n\u00eb ngritje p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb baraspesh\u00eb t\u00eb re politike dhe ekonomike bot\u00ebrore. Si produkt i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb i nj\u00eb k\u00ebsi vendimi strategjik ishte edhe vendimi i presidentit rus Putin q\u00eb t\u00eb mbushte me prani t\u00eb veten ndikimin n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn SHBA-ja nuk e konsideronte m\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr v\u00ebmendjen e tyre. Dhe, tashm\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebsh t\u00eb veprimit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, prej Gjeorgjis\u00eb e Ukrain\u00ebs deri n\u00eb Siri; dhe natyrisht, n\u00eb Ballkan, prej ur\u00ebs s\u00eb Mitrovic\u00ebs deri te p\u00ebrpjekja ( e d\u00ebshtuar) p\u00ebr grusht shtet n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi dhe p\u00ebrpjekja (e d\u00ebshtuar) p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar marr\u00ebveshjen mes Shkupit dhe Athin\u00ebs p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb sot quhet Maqedonia Veriore.<\/p>\n
2.<\/p>\n
Shtyrja e takimit me parlamentarin gjerman \u00ebsht\u00eb metafor\u00eb e q\u00eblluar p\u00ebr at\u00eb se ku q\u00ebndron \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb momentin kur dalin n\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe probleme m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha gjeopolitike, \u00e7do gj\u00eb u n\u00ebnshtrohet atyre. Emri i problemit gjeopolitik t\u00eb presidentit Obama ishte vendosja e pesh\u00ebs historike kah Oqeani Paq\u00ebsor dhe pam\u00eb se si q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha, prej Gjeorgjis\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, iu n\u00ebnshtruan k\u00ebtij ndryshimi. Emri i problemit gjeopolitik t\u00eb presidentit Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb interpretim i ri i Aleanc\u00ebs s\u00eb deritanishme transatlantike, dhe \u00e7do gj\u00eb do t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtrohet k\u00ebtij problemi, prej Iranit, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb mes Washingtonit dhe Mosk\u00ebs e deri te Kosova. Dhe, p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithaq e re; madje sa p\u00ebr kuriozitet, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb hera e dyt\u00eb q\u00eb Kosova gjendet s\u00eb bashku me Iranin n\u00eb nj\u00eb ekuacion gjeopolitik me shum\u00eb t\u00eb panjohura. Kur n\u00eb qershor t\u00eb vitit 2007 Kosova duhej ta shpallte Pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb, me insistim t\u00eb Franc\u00ebs dhe pastaj me pajtim t\u00eb aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb transatlantik\u00eb, u shty p\u00ebr mbi gjysm\u00eb viti vendimi i koordinuar i Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
K\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e p\u00ebrcolli vet\u00eb ministri i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm i jasht\u00ebm, Kouchner, n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, duke cituar k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e presidentit Sarkozy q\u00eb n\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim me presidentin Putin t\u00eb gjendet nj\u00eb zgjidhje p\u00ebr programin b\u00ebrthamor iranian.<\/p>\n
Pra, sa p\u00ebr ilustrim, po t\u00eb mos ishte puna e Iranit, Kosova ka mundur ta kishte si dit\u00eblindje t\u00eb Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb 17 qershorin 2007, jo 17 shkurtin 2008.<\/p>\n
3.<\/p>\n
Por , sfida me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ballafaqohet Kosova nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb me kuriozitetin e dat\u00ebs (ndon\u00ebse edhe ajo shtyrje ka pasur efektet e veta n\u00eb raportin e m\u00ebtejm\u00eb t\u00eb forcave n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb). Sfida e tanishme \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb nuk i ka ndodhur Kosov\u00ebs prejse filloi politik\u00ebn e vet proper\u00ebndimore, me r\u00ebnien e Murit t\u00eb Berlinit.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb tridhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebt e fundit ekziston nj\u00eb ndarje e madhe mes SHBA-s\u00eb dhe vendeve prij\u00ebse t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, nj\u00eb ndarje e madhe sa Oqeani Atlantik, p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies transatlantike. Madje, kjo ndarje ka shkuar aq thell\u00eb sa shum\u00ebkush mbeti pa frym\u00eb (p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe mua) kur u d\u00ebgjua se presidenti amerikan ka menduar me z\u00eb a thua a nevojitet m\u00eb ekzistenca e NATO-s.<\/p>\n
Kjo ndarje \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr shum\u00eb shtete, t\u00eb m\u00ebdha e t\u00eb vogla evropiane, t\u00eb cilat llogarisin se ku mund t\u00eb l\u00ebndohen interesat e tyre apo si mund eventualisht edhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb duke dal\u00eb nga kjo situat\u00eb. Por, asnj\u00eb shtet nuk ka pasoja me k\u00ebt\u00eb skizm\u00eb per\u00ebndimore, ekzistenciale madje, sesa Kosova. \u00cbsht\u00eb shtet i mbrojtur nga gjenocidi dhe i pavar\u00ebsuar n\u00ebn p\u00ebrkujdesje t\u00eb nj\u00eb Per\u00ebndimi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashkuar.<\/p>\n
Siguria fizike e shtetit varet drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti nga NATO-ja dhe siguria fizike n\u00eb ardhm\u00ebri do t\u00eb varet nga funksionimi i tij normal si shtet an\u00ebtar i NATO-s. Rrjedhimisht, e tanishmja dhe e ardhmja kosovare jan\u00eb t\u00eb lidhura ngusht\u00eb me relacionin e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb q\u00eb ka me SHBA-n\u00eb si vend prijatar p\u00ebr \u00e7lirim dhe pavar\u00ebsim t\u00eb shtetit dhe me BE-n\u00eb, habitati natyral jo vet\u00ebm i qindra mij\u00ebra kosovar\u00ebve q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb aty, por i vet\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs si shtet.<\/p>\n
Mbrojtja nga gjenocidi, \u00e7lirimi i vendit dhe pavar\u00ebsimi i tij qen\u00eb produkt i nj\u00eb politike transatlantike. Kosova nuk ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb asnj\u00eb proces negociator, as n\u00eb Rambouillet e as n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb, pa qart\u00ebsi t\u00eb plot\u00eb transatlantike; vet\u00ebm k\u00ebshtu edhe ka mundur t\u2019i tejkalonte sfidat negociatore.<\/p>\n
Tash p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti n\u00eb dy vjet\u00ebt e fundit, procesi negociator n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin ka hyr\u00eb Kosova nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i qart\u00eb as n\u00eb Washington, as n\u00eb Berlin, Lond\u00ebr e Paris dhe as n\u00eb Rom\u00eb. E qart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb prej list\u00ebs pak m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb paqart\u00ebsive q\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb mes Washingtonit , s\u00eb paku atij presidencial (i k\u00ebshilluar nga John Bolton, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj kund\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs si dhe kund\u00ebr ides\u00eb s\u00eb BE-s\u00eb), dhe vendeve t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. Dhe, ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb, ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me improvizime t\u00eb gjoja marr\u00ebveshjes mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb – pa struktur\u00eb, pa korniz\u00eb, pa nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsim dhe pa udh\u00ebheqje.<\/p>\n
4.<\/p>\n
Ecjen e elefant\u00ebve m\u00eb s\u00eb miri e d\u00ebgjojn\u00eb shtaz\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla, minjt\u00eb e milingonat. P\u00ebr ta \u00e7do hap i elefantit \u00ebsht\u00eb tronditje e madhe.<\/p>\n
Di\u00e7ka nga ky kontekst xhungle mund t\u2019u hyj\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, n\u00eb pushtet e opozit\u00eb. P\u00ebr ta, q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00ebrin prej t\u00eb vegj\u00eblve t\u00eb xhungl\u00ebs, dy m\u00ebsime mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb vlefshme. Nj\u00eb, q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb pun\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb aty, nuk duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb objekt i grindjes s\u00eb elefant\u00ebve: afrikan\u00ebt thon\u00eb q\u00eb kur elefant\u00ebt zihen mes vete t\u00eb shtypura mbeten milingonat.<\/p>\n
Dhe dy, n\u00eb tridhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebt e fundit kjo pjes\u00eb e vog\u00eblsive t\u00eb xhungl\u00ebs ka par\u00eb hair vet\u00ebm kur elefant\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb duke ecur s\u00eb bashku.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrkthyer n\u00eb gjuh\u00eb politike t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebris\u00eb: pushtet dhe opozit\u00eb, b\u00ebhuni bashk\u00eb dhe bisedoni me kryeqytetet e atyre q\u00eb e \u00e7liruan vendin dhe e p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebn n\u00eb pavar\u00ebsi e tutje. Do t\u00eb d\u00ebgjoni dallime, ndoshta edhe do t\u2019i tregoni dallimet tuaja. Por, gjithsesi, do t\u00eb niseni drejt nj\u00eb rruge, e cila nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb si kjo e deritanishmja, qorre.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Ecjen e elefant\u00ebve m\u00eb s\u00eb miri e d\u00ebgjojn\u00eb shtaz\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla, minjt\u00eb e milingonat. P\u00ebr ta \u00e7do hap i elefantit \u00ebsht\u00eb tronditje e madhe 1. Kisha p\u00ebr t’u takuar me nj\u00eb parlamentar gjerman n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj jave, por n\u00eb t\u00eb afruar ora e takimit arriti mesazhi i keqardhjes q\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb shprehej […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":46,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9,4],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\n