{"id":23063,"date":"2020-06-23T18:25:04","date_gmt":"2020-06-23T16:25:04","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=23063"},"modified":"2020-06-23T18:27:12","modified_gmt":"2020-06-23T16:27:12","slug":"faza-finale-e-dialogut-ne-mes-te-kosoves-dhe-serbise-i-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=23063","title":{"rendered":"Faza Finale e dialogut n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga Blerim Shala<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb shqyrtimin e tem\u00ebs s\u00eb rezultateve eventuale t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj faze konkluduese t\u00eb bisedimeve n\u00eb mes t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit, tash e sa koh\u00eb na \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur nj\u00eb dilem\u00eb e fabrikuar, me motive t\u00eb past\u00ebra t\u00eb brendshme politike, gjithnj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar \u2019argumente shtes\u00eb\u2019 n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00ebn e vazhdueshme politike kosovare.<\/p>\n

<\/div>\n

Lidershipi i Kosov\u00ebs nuk ballaqohet me opsionet thell\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrjashtuese: A duam nj\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshje\u00a0 (Kosov\u00eb \u2013 Serbi), t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb keqe, apo nj\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb mir\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn duhet koh\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00c7do rishikim i historis\u00eb s\u00eb negociatave dhe bisedimeve t\u00eb instancave sip\u00ebrore t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit, d\u00ebshmon me t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb q\u00eb koha e gjat\u00eb e t\u00eb gjitha p\u00ebrpjekjeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr ta gjetur nj\u00eb her\u00eb zgjidhjen p\u00ebr imponimin e paqes n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, pastaj, p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrcaktuar statusin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe s\u00eb fundit, edhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i definuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, nuk ka prodhuar fare ato efektet e d\u00ebshiruara.<\/p>\n

Kosova dhe Serbia mund t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb flasin edhe 23 vjet t\u00eb tjera\u00a0 (sa kan\u00eb bisduar deri m\u00eb tash), pa b\u00ebr\u00eb gj\u00eb prej gj\u00ebje, n\u00eb arritjen e atij q\u00ebllimi kryesor, t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrimit t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, edhe pse ne p\u00ebrher\u00eb jemi t\u00eb prirur q\u00eb t\u00eb ndahemi n\u00eb patriot\u00eb dhe tradhtar\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb politik\u00ebn kosovare, nuk ka politikan\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb, pa marr\u00eb parasysh se ku gjindet me pozit\u00eb dhe cil\u00ebs parti politike i p\u00ebrket, i cili nuk di ta ve\u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme, nj\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb mir\u00eb prej asaj t\u00eb keqe.<\/p>\n

Tek e mbrama, ne kemi p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt.<\/p>\n

Sensi politik i negociator\u00ebve kosovar\u00eb, si n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Rambouilletit (n\u00eb vitin 1999), ashtu edhe n\u00eb Procesin e Vien\u00ebs\u00a0 (2005-2007), dhe vendimet e Delegacionit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (n\u00eb Rambouillet), dhe t\u00eb Ekipit t\u00eb Unitetit\u00a0 (n\u00eb Vien\u00eb), kishin rol vendimar p\u00ebr \u00e7lirimin e Kosov\u00ebs nj\u00eb her\u00eb, dhe pastaj, p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsimin e saj.<\/p>\n

Hisja jon\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto dy ngjarje madhore t\u00eb historis\u00eb son\u00eb t\u00eb re \u00ebsht\u00eb e ditur dhe e pakontestueshme.<\/p>\n

Ky sens politik \u00ebsht\u00eb realisht i pranish\u00ebm edhe n\u00eb rrethanat e tanishme, edhe pse duhet shtuar k\u00ebtu q\u00eb nuk ka mbet\u00eb nd\u00ebr ne, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb politik\u00ebn kosovare, as hija e atij uniteti (edhe ashtu t\u00eb arritur me mund t\u00eb madh, n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb me \u2019dor\u00ebn intervenuese\u2019 amerikane), i cili i pati bashkuar p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e L\u00ebvizjes paq\u00ebsore dhe asaj ushtarake\u00a0 (n\u00eb vitet e luft\u00ebs), ose t\u00eb gjith\u00eb spektrin politik\u00a0 (n\u00eb vitet e zbardhjes s\u00eb statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs).<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu ta z\u00ebm\u00eb, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb lider\u00ebt institucional dhe politik t\u00eb vendit, nuk e kan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb ve\u00e7 e ve\u00e7, n\u00eb deklaratat dhe n\u00eb prononcimet publike, t\u00eb pajtohen q\u00eb krye\u00e7\u00ebshtja e k\u00ebsaj faze vijuese\u00a0 (dhe finale, si\u00e7 pritet, me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb), n\u00eb bisedat n\u00eb mes t\u00eb autoriteteve t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb njohja formale reciproke n\u00eb mes t\u00eb dy shteteve.<\/p>\n

Ndihmes\u00eb e madhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi i theksuar tashm\u00eb i Administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb tashme Amerikane, i cili p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohet pik\u00ebrisht te njohja reciproke n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kosova dhe Serbia, n\u00ebse nj\u00ebmend duan Marr\u00ebveshje n\u00eb mes tyre, nuk munden m\u00eb ta evitojn\u00eb preokupimin me \u2019elefantin n\u00eb dhom\u00eb\u2019, si thuhet n\u00eb terminologjin\u00eb politike dhe diplomatike, apo, t\u00eb mos provojn\u00eb t\u00eb dakordohen p\u00ebr at\u00eb elementin ky\u00e7, vendimtar, t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, si p\u00ebr politikan\u00ebt ashtu edhe p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt e saj, njohja e shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nga Serbia shihet si nj\u00eb akt thuaja i natyrsh\u00ebm, gjithsesi i drejt\u00eb historikisht, i logjiksh\u00ebm, i pritsh\u00ebm dhe i arsyesh\u00ebm politikisht.<\/p>\n

Secili prej nesh \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb fare t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb argumentoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb detalizuar dhe t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme pse Beogradi zyrtar do t\u00eb duhej ta njihte shtetin e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Shteti i Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet politik vendor dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i pakthyesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

\u2019Dialogu i brendsh\u00ebm\u2019 n\u00eb politik\u00ebn, n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe n\u00eb mediat serbe, i cili u zhvillua n\u00eb vitet 2017, 2018, me iniciativ\u00ebn e Presidentit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, Aleksandar Vu\u010di\u0107, n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb apo tjetr\u00ebn, e ka konfirmuar k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt, teksa n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn d\u00ebrrmuese t\u00eb interpretimeve t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ky akt, n\u00eb politik\u00ebn dhe n\u00eb opinionin serb \u00ebsht\u00eb cil\u00ebsuar si n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti me t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebn historike dhe me Ligjin\/ t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u00a0 (edhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr Verdiktit t\u00eb njohur t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, ICJ-s\u00eb, n\u00eb Hag\u00eb, n\u00eb muajin korrik t\u00eb vitit 2010).<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb politik\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb storien e njohur historike dhe politike t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, nuk ka shpeshher\u00eb gj\u00ebra q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kualifikohen si t\u00eb natyrshme, t\u00eb logjikshme, t\u00eb kuptueshme, t\u00eb arsyeshme dhe t\u00eb pritshme. P\u00ebrkundrazi.<\/p>\n

Thuaja gjithmon\u00eb politika reduktohet n\u00eb at\u00eb \u2018Raportin e forcave\u2019 n\u00eb mes t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebve, n\u00eb rrethanat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ekzistuese q\u00eb favorizojn\u00eb nj\u00ebrin apo tjetrin shtet apo popull, n\u00eb at\u00eb definicionin e famsh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb sakt\u00eb t\u00eb Bismarckut p\u00ebr \u2018Politik\u00ebn si art t\u00eb s\u00eb mundshmes\u2019.<\/p>\n

E natyrshmja n\u00eb politik\u00eb pra \u00ebsht\u00eb forca dhe interesi.<\/p>\n

Po t\u00eb ishte ndryshe, Serbia nuk do t\u00eb arrinte kurr\u00eb ta merrte me forc\u00eb, apo ta okuponte, Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb vitin 1912, dhe ta mbante ashtu nj\u00eblloj, me do intervale leht\u00ebsuese p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs\u00a0 (t\u00eb cilat nuk jan\u00eb varur fare prej saj), deri n\u00eb vitin 1999.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto m\u00ebsimet kryesore politike dhe historike, ne duket q\u00eb nuk i kemi p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar, n\u00eb mas\u00ebn e duhur, as sot e k\u00ebsaj dite.<\/p>\n

Tek ne tutje mbizot\u00ebron mendimi politik q\u00eb e drejta e jon\u00eb e pamohueshme duhet t\u00eb respektohet plot\u00ebsisht prej t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shteteve me t\u00eb cilat kemi pun\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu edhe vet Serbin\u00eb, e cila p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb, mbi supet e veta dhe madje, n\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegjen e saj duhet ta ket\u00eb edhe barr\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha tragjedit\u00eb t\u00eb cilat i ka shkaktuar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb ato dy vitet e luft\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit, por qysh nga vjeshta e vitit 1912 e k\u00ebndej.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, teksa ne gjithsesi kemi argumente t\u00eb bollshme n\u00eb favor t\u00eb konkludimit t\u00eb dialogut n\u00eb mes nesh dhe Beogradit, me njohjen e nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb\u00a0 (sepse asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr realisht nuk do t\u2019i b\u00ebnte normale raportet n\u00eb mes t\u00eb dy shteteve), tek ne fare pak\u00a0 (ose madje, hi\u00e7 fare), nuk merret parasysh edhe mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb ta z\u00ebm\u00eb, n\u00eb at\u00eb dyluftimin e eg\u00ebr negociator, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb i pashmangsh\u00ebm\u00a0 (dhe i natyrsh\u00ebm), autoritetet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb do t\u00eb mund ta refuzojn\u00eb opsionin e pranimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs pa kushte, ose pa p\u00ebrmbushjen e disa k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Ne dit\u00eb dhe nat\u00eb, her\u00eb nj\u00ebra Qeveri, e her\u00eb tjetra, her\u00eb nj\u00eb lider dhe nj\u00eb parti e her\u00eb tjetri lider dhe parti, hartojm\u00eb Pako t\u00eb \u2018Vijave t\u00eb kuqe\u2019, p\u00ebr bisedimet e ardhshme\u00a0 (t\u00eb cilat assesi nuk b\u00ebn t\u00eb kalohen), teksa ato i dyzojm\u00eb edhe me at\u00eb q\u00ebllimin kryesor t\u00eb k\u00ebtij dialogu, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb njohja reciproke n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi strategjike t\u00eb definohet qart\u00eb synimi kryesor i k\u00ebtyre bisedimeve.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb mir\u00eb, si\u00e7 zaten kishte ndodhur edhe para se t\u00eb shkohej n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Rambouilletit dhe para se t\u00eb niste Procesi i Vjen\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ndalja e luft\u00ebs, arritja e paqes dhe garantimi i saj prej SHBA-s\u00eb dhe Aleanc\u00ebs Veri-Atlantike\u00a0 (me stacionimin e trupave t\u00eb Paktit NATO n\u00eb vend), ka qen\u00eb q\u00ebllimi sip\u00ebror i Delegacionit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Rambouillet. U arrit, madje, edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb: U mund\u00ebsua, n\u00eb tekstin Final t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Rambouilletit, edhe organizimi i Refrendumit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pas nj\u00eb periudhe kohore trevje\u00e7are, dhe u shmang shuarja e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrmarrjes s\u00eb tranformimit n\u00eb TMK\u00a0 (q\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb pas luft\u00ebs).<\/p>\n

Krijimi i shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ka qen\u00eb krye-caku i Ekipit t\u00eb Unitetit n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb, n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjen nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Presidenti Ahtisaari.<\/p>\n

Edhe n\u00eb shembullin e par\u00eb, edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb dytin, dobia dhe p\u00ebrfitimi i madh politik, diplomatik dhe ushtarak, ishte m\u00eb i madh se sa d\u00ebmet kolaterale t\u00eb te dy zhvillimeve, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb paevitueshme n\u00eb at\u00eb dometh\u00ebnien dhe definimin klasik t\u00eb politik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Situata qind p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb pastra n\u00eb politik\u00eb nuk ka.<\/p>\n

Politika \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe refleksion i drejtp\u00ebdrejt\u00eb i zhvillimeve historike, t\u00eb cilat nganj\u00ebher\u00eb\u00a0 (jo shpesh, k\u00ebt\u00eb duhet p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur), i kalojn\u00eb kornizat e t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebs\/ Ligjit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, si\u00e7 ishte rasti me ish-RSFJ-n\u00eb nj\u00eb her\u00eb\u00a0 (pas shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb saj, n\u00eb vitin 1991), dhe me RFJ-n\u00eb dhe Serbin\u00eb m\u00eb pas\u00a0 (n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, n\u00eb vitet 2005-2008).<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb Drejt\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ruajtja e sovranitetit t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti gjithmon\u00eb ka p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi n\u00eb krahasim me t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebn e popujve p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto rrjedha n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e pasluft\u00ebs, t\u00eb ditura p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ne\u00a0 (ve\u00e7mas trazirat e marsit t\u00eb vitit 2004), por t\u00eb injoruara n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, do t\u00eb ken\u00eb pasoja, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuar\u00a0 (jo plot\u00ebsisht ekuivalente, duhet shtuar k\u00ebtu), edhe n\u00eb Propozimin Gjithp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs t\u00eb Presidentit Ahtisaari.<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb realiteti.<\/p>\n

Si n\u00eb k\u00ebta dy shembuj, edhe tani, ne nuk mundemi vet ta bindim udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin\u00eb e Serbis\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb interes i dyansh\u00ebm q\u00eb dialogu t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllet me njohjen reciproke.<\/p>\n

\u00c7lirimi i Kosov\u00ebs u arrit, n\u00eb finalen e saj, me fushat\u00ebn ajrore t\u00eb Paktit NATO,\u00a0 (n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 1999).<\/p>\n

Pavar\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs u send\u00ebrtua nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht, fal\u00eb partneritetit n\u00eb mes t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb dhe BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb te dy rastet, k\u00ebto synime sip\u00ebrore u jet\u00ebsuan n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti me vullnetin themelor t\u00eb lidershipit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb. Natyrisht, po t\u00eb p\u00ebrfillej ky vullnet, Kosova sot e k\u00ebsaj dite, do t\u00eb ishte e sunduar nga Serbia, pa marr\u00eb parasysh \u00e7mimin q\u00eb do ta paguanin qytetar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, nuk dihet se a do t\u00eb kishte fare m\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, kur duhet se \u00e7far\u00eb \u2019Spastrimi etnik\u2019 pati ndodhur n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, ve\u00e7mas n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 1999.<\/p>\n

Por derisa \u00e7lirimi dhe pavar\u00ebsimi i Kosov\u00ebs, ka mundur t\u00eb realizohet edhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb madhe politike dhe ushtarake t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit me Serbin\u00eb, njohja e Kosov\u00ebs nga Serbia mund t\u00eb send\u00ebrtohet vet\u00ebm bazuar n\u00eb vullnetin politik t\u00eb vet Beogradit zyrtar.<\/p>\n

Kjo njohje pra, duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb rezultat i nj\u00eb procesi t\u00eb bisedimeve n\u00eb mes t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit, me nj\u00eb Pako motivuese dhe inkurajuese shtes\u00eb politike, diplomatike dhe financiare t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb dhe t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nes\u00ebr:\u00a0<\/strong>Cilat jan\u00eb elementet kryesore t\u00eb pozicionit t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit, para ri-fillimit t\u00eb bisedimeve, me 27 qershor n\u00eb\u00a0<\/strong>Washington<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Blerim Shala N\u00eb shqyrtimin e tem\u00ebs s\u00eb rezultateve eventuale t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj faze konkluduese t\u00eb bisedimeve n\u00eb mes t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit, tash e sa koh\u00eb na \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur nj\u00eb dilem\u00eb e fabrikuar, me motive t\u00eb past\u00ebra t\u00eb brendshme politike, gjithnj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar \u2019argumente shtes\u00eb\u2019 n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00ebn e vazhdueshme politike kosovare. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":22429,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9,4],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nFaza Finale e dialogut n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb (II) - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=23063\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Faza Finale e dialogut n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb (II) - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nga Blerim Shala N\u00eb shqyrtimin e tem\u00ebs s\u00eb rezultateve eventuale t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj faze konkluduese t\u00eb bisedimeve n\u00eb mes t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit, tash e sa koh\u00eb na \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur nj\u00eb dilem\u00eb e fabrikuar, me motive t\u00eb past\u00ebra t\u00eb brendshme politike, gjithnj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar \u2019argumente shtes\u00eb\u2019 n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00ebn e vazhdueshme politike kosovare. 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