{"id":17787,"date":"2019-10-04T19:48:00","date_gmt":"2019-10-04T17:48:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=17787"},"modified":"2019-10-04T19:48:00","modified_gmt":"2019-10-04T17:48:00","slug":"roli-i-gjermanise-se-ribashkuar-dhe-kosova","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=17787","title":{"rendered":"Roli i Gjermanis\u00eb s\u00eb ribashkuar dhe Kosova"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga Dr. Syl\u00eb Ukshini<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb nuk solli n\u00eb Europ\u00eb vet\u00ebm r\u00ebnien e murit t\u00eb Berlinit dhe t\u00eb perandoris\u00eb sovjetike, e me k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe lirin\u00eb dhe demokracin\u00eb p\u00ebr popujt e Europ\u00ebs Lindore, por edhe n\u00eb juglindje t\u00eb kontinentit ton\u00eb, n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi, ishte rikthyer lufta. Dhe ky zhvillim ndryshoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore politik\u00ebn gjermane.<\/p>\n

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\u00a0<\/strong>Pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, Gjermania, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe barr\u00ebn q\u00eb trash\u00ebgoi, \u00a0p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb u b\u00eb komb pa shtet, shteti gjerman u fut n\u00ebn administrimin e kat\u00ebr fuqit\u00eb fitimtare\/\u00e7liruese- Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs, Britania e Madhe, Franca dhe Bashkimi Sovjetik. Nd\u00ebrsa, nga viti 1949 u krijuan dy shtete t\u00eb ndryshme, n\u00eb zonat per\u00ebndimore u krijua Republika Federale e Gjermanis\u00eb dhe n\u00eb zonat e kontrolluara nga sovjetik\u00ebt u krijua Republika Demokratike e Gjermanis\u00eb. Q\u00eb nga at\u00ebher\u00eb e deri me r\u00ebnien e Murit t\u00eb Berlinit n\u00eb politik\u00ebn gjermane per\u00ebndimore kishte tri orientime strategjike p\u00ebr p\u00ebrballjen me k\u00ebt\u00eb ndarje n\u00eb dy shtete: Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e ve\u00e7anta me Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs, Lidhja p\u00ebrhershme me Per\u00ebndimin dhe krijimi i besueshm\u00ebris\u00eb tek fqinj\u00ebt.\u00a0 Natyrisht, aspirata p\u00ebr ribashkim t\u00eb gjerman\u00ebve u afishua edhe p\u00ebrmes Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs Federale t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ky orientime e ankoroi politik\u00ebn gjermane n\u00eb multiletariz\u00ebm dhe n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e njohur si \u201cfuqi civile\u201d, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte shmangien e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb forc\u00ebs ushtarake p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e problemeve rajonale dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, Gjermania Federale u tregua shum\u00eb e kujdesshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos marr\u00eb rol prij\u00ebs n\u00eb politik\u00ebn europiane apo nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, n\u00eb rend t\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb dhe nga Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore.<\/h3>\n

Gjerman\u00ebt nga t\u00eb dy an\u00ebt e kufirit nuk hoq\u00ebn dor\u00eb nga \u00ebndrra e tyre p\u00ebr ribashkim n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet, edhe pse kjo dukej thjesht nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e ashp\u00ebrsimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, e cila kulmoi me ngritjen e Murit t\u00eb Berlinit n\u00eb vitin 1961. P\u00ebr tridhjet\u00eb vjet u ky mur u b\u00eb sinonim i ndarjes s\u00eb kombit gjerman, por p\u00ebr Berlinin u b\u00eb sinonim i d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs sovjetike dhe sovjetizimit t\u00eb \u00a0Gjermanis\u00eb Lindore. Megjithat\u00eb, Henry Kissinger me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb thot\u00eb se kriza e Berlinit sh\u00ebnoi nj\u00eb kthes\u00eb n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Ftoht\u00eb, ndon\u00ebse ajo nuk u perceptua si e till\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb.<\/h3>\n

Pika e kthes\u00ebs arriti m\u00eb 6 dhe 7 tetor, kur n\u00eb mbar\u00eb RDGJ q\u00eb kontrollohej dhe komandohej nga Moska sovjetike ishin planifikuar t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin festime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha me rastin e dyzetvjetorit t\u00eb themelimit t\u00eb regjimit komunist. Pas festimeve t\u00eb b\u00ebra, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn dit\u00eb n\u00eb mbar\u00eb Gjermanin\u00eb Lindore filluan demonstratat antiqeveritare, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat k\u00ebrkohej reformimi i sistemit politik, zgjedhjet e lira, liria e fjal\u00ebs, liria e l\u00ebvizjes dhe k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb tjera politike. Vendosm\u00ebria gjermane ishte e madhe, nd\u00ebrsa regjimi komunist i Honekerit po l\u00ebkundej drejt vdekjes. Kat\u00ebr jav\u00eb m\u00eb pas, m\u00eb 9 n\u00ebntor 1989 Muri i Berlinit ra krejt papritur dhe paq\u00ebsisht, sepse gjermano-lindor\u00ebt nuk d\u00ebshironin t\u00eb q\u00ebndronin t\u00eb ngujuar si n\u00eb kafaz n\u00eb shtetin komunist t\u00eb RDGJ-s\u00eb. Ndodhi ajo q\u00eb pak kush e kishte pritur dhe planifikuar: r\u00ebnia e Murit t\u00eb Berlinit, i cili p\u00ebr afro 30 vjet me radh\u00eb kishte ndar\u00eb m\u00eb dysh qytetin e Berlinit dhe kombin gjerman, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht Gjermanin\u00eb Per\u00ebndimore(kapitaliste) dhe Gjermanin\u00eb Lindore (komuniste).<\/p>\n

Kjo kthes\u00eb kaq e papritur historike, edhe sot nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sqaruar deri n\u00eb fund.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 9 n\u00ebntor 1989, nj\u00eb lajm konfuz i shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb nga media mobilizoi masat dhe k\u00ebshtu u b\u00eb realitet \u2013 r\u00ebnia e Murit t\u00eb Berlinit. \u00a0Kjo ngjarje, mbase nga \u00a0nj\u00eb gabim historik, hapi shtegun p\u00ebr unitetin gjerman. A ishte cop\u00ebza e famshme e \u201cletr\u00ebs\u201d konfuze e G\u00fcnter Shabovskit (\u00a0ai thot\u00eb se dikush nga prapa ia vendosi n\u00eb tavolin\u00eb dhe ai pa e analizuar vet\u00ebm e lexoi<\/em>) nj\u00eb rast\u00ebsi gjat\u00eb konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb tij p\u00ebr shtyp? A ishte KGB apo sh\u00ebrbimet e tjera t\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs pas tij? A u organizua konferenca p\u00ebr shtyp? Ngjarjet e tilla politike t\u00eb shekullit kan\u00eb qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb objekt t\u00eb preferuar t\u00eb b\u00ebrjes s\u00eb mitit. Dhe, k\u00ebshtu nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak e habitshme q\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb ngjarje jan\u00eb thurur legjenda t\u00eb shumta rreth r\u00ebnies s\u00eb murit. Vet\u00eb Shabovski disa her\u00eb e ka pranuar se ajo cop\u00ebz letre i erdhi n\u00eb tavolin\u00eb dhe ai vet\u00ebm e lexoi pa ditur t\u00eb jap shpjegimet t\u00eb holl\u00ebsishme. Pra, r\u00ebnia e murit nuk ishte menduar as nga udh\u00ebheqja e SED dhe as nuk u njoftua nga G\u00fcnter Schabowski. An\u00ebtari i Politbyros\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb transmetim t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb konferenc\u00ebn p\u00ebr shtyp t\u00eb televizionit RDGJ-s\u00eb po njoftonte vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rregullore t\u00eb re t\u00eb udh\u00ebtimit p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt gjermano-lindor\u00eb, e cila synonte t\u00eb \u00a0leht\u00ebsonte presionin e publikut: Qindra mij\u00ebra njer\u00ebz k\u00ebrkuan zgjedhje t\u00eb lira, pranimin e grupeve t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs dhe, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, lirin\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes n\u00eb demonstrata n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb RDGJ.<\/p>\n

Njoftimi i parakohsh\u00ebm dhe konfuz i Shabovskit, interpretimi i tij nga media per\u00ebndimore dhe procesi mobilizues q\u00eb rezultoi, p\u00ebrmbysi t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto q\u00ebllime t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb SED (pasardh\u00ebse e k\u00ebsaj partie \u00ebsht\u00eb PDS e Grigor Gyzit, q\u00eb gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs \u00ebs Kosov\u00ebs doli n\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb Milosheviqit). Prandaj, mendohet komunikimet e Shabovskit nuk \u00e7uan n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebsymjet spontane dhe t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb gjermano-lindor\u00ebve n\u00eb vendkalimet kufitare t\u00eb Berlinit, por raportimet e medieve per\u00ebndimore, t\u00eb cilat me apo pa q\u00ebllim interpretuan dekretin burokratik si nj\u00eb hapje t\u00eb pakusht\u00ebzuar dhe t\u00eb menj\u00ebhershme t\u00eb kufirit. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb AP raportoi n\u00eb or\u00ebn 19:05: \u201cDDR hap kufirin\u201d. Pak para fillimit t\u00eb ARD \u201cTagesschau\u201d, n\u00eb or\u00ebn 19.41, agjencia DPA e tejkaloi mesazhin AP, prezantoi njoftimin e Shabovskit si fakt tashm\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar, dhe shpalli \u201csensacional\u201d: \u201cKufiri i RDGJ me Republik\u00ebn Federale dhe Berlinin Per\u00ebndimor e hapur.\u201c N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrethan\u00eb, kur qindra mij\u00eb qytetar\u00eb gjermano-lindor\u00eb\u00a0 kishin arritur tek vendkalimet me Berlinit Per\u00ebndimor, udh\u00ebheqja e Gjermanis\u00eb Lindore u dor\u00ebzua, ajo hapi portat pasi mungoi edhe mb\u00ebshtetja nga Moska e Gorba\u00e7ovit. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, konsiderohet se r\u00ebnia e Murit t\u00eb Berlinit \u00ebsht\u00eb ngjarja e par\u00eb bot\u00ebrore-historike q\u00eb ndodhi si rezultat i shpalljes s\u00eb parakohshme nga agjencit\u00eb e shtypit, televizionit dhe radios.<\/p>\n

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Bashkimi i Gjermanis\u00eb-fundi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

K\u00ebto zhvillime t\u00eb shpejta dhe dramatike duken si nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr, por q\u00eb n\u00eb realitet ato ndryshuan zhvillimet e ardhshme n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe i dhan\u00eb fund Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb dhe konfrontimit Lindje- Per\u00ebndim. R\u00ebnia e murit t\u00eb Berlinit, hapi perspektiva p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kalim n\u00eb nj\u00eb etap\u00eb paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb historis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, 9 n\u00ebntorin e vitit 1989 nuk e festojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm gjerman\u00ebt, por\u00a0 t\u00eb gjith\u00eb evropian\u00ebt dhe njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Me n\u00ebnshkrimin n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes \u201cDy-plus-kat\u00ebr\u201d nga gjasht\u00eb ministra t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm (dy ministrat e jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb shteteve gjermane dhe ministrat e jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb kat\u00ebr fuqive fituese t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore) dhan\u00eb p\u00eblqimin p\u00ebr bashkimin e Gjermanis\u00eb, q\u00eb m\u00eb pas u fuqizua edhe p\u00ebrmes ratifikimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes p\u00ebr bashkim me 3 tetor nga ana e Bundestagu-t (Bon) dhe Kuvendit popullor (Berlini Lindor), kjo e fundi u shp\u00ebrb\u00eb me 2 tetor, nd\u00ebrsa me 3 tetor RDGJ edhe formalisht iu bashkua Republik\u00ebs Federale t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb. Bashkimi i Gjermanis\u00eb me 3 tetor u b\u00eb realitet p\u00ebrmes vendimeve demokratike dhe marr\u00ebveshjeve paq\u00ebsore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dit\u00eb kancelari i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm gjerman Helmut Kohl, n\u00eb nj\u00eb mesazh drejtuar t\u00eb gjitha qeverive t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, thoshte: \u201cVendi yn\u00eb me rifitimin e bashkimit do t\u00b4i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb paqes bot\u00ebrore dhe do t\u00eb shpie p\u00ebrpara Bashkimin Europian\u201d.<\/h3>\n

R\u00ebnia e Murit t\u00eb Berlinit dhe bashkimi i shtetit gjerman ishte nj\u00eb triumf i liris\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr kombin gjerman, por dhe p\u00ebr popujt tjer\u00eb t\u00eb kontinentit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb nuk solli n\u00eb Europ\u00eb vet\u00ebm r\u00ebnien e murit t\u00eb Berlinit dhe t\u00eb perandoris\u00eb sovjetike, e me k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe lirin\u00eb dhe demokracin\u00eb p\u00ebr popujt e Evrop\u00ebs Lindore, por kjo ngjarje ishte gjithsesi nj\u00eb frym\u00ebzuese dhe shpres\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebse edhe p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt prej shum\u00eb dekadash po b\u00ebnin p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb \u00e7liroheshin nga dominimi i Beogradit dhe t\u00eb jet\u00ebsonin \u00ebndrr\u00ebn e tyre p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb pavarur. Po ashtu p\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs \u00ebs Ftoht\u00eb edhe n\u00eb juglindje t\u00eb kontinentit ton\u00eb, n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi, solli luft\u00ebrat e p\u00ebrgjakshme nd\u00ebretnike. Dhe ky zhvillim ndryshoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore politik\u00ebn gjermane. Formula e vjet\u00ebr federative republikane \u201ci majt\u00eb-paq\u00ebsor\u201d nuk do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballonte k\u00ebt\u00eb sfid\u00eb. Ishte politikani i njohur gjerman nga radh\u00ebt e t\u00eb gjelb\u00ebrve Dany Cohn-Bendit ai i cili n\u00eb vitin 1993 p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb u shpreh p\u00ebr intervenimin ushtarak t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit, e me k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb. Kthimi i luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Jugosllavi dhe ringjallja e politik\u00ebs nacionaliste t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs, trondit\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb radikale pik\u00ebpamjet e t\u00eb majt\u00ebs gjermane p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn dhe sistemin e vlerave. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb pas Luft\u00ebs \u00ebs Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dhe riarmatosjes s\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb Per\u00ebndimore, tani duhej t\u00eb merrej nj\u00eb vendim konkret nd\u00ebrmjet dy parimeve \u201cKurr\u00eb m\u00eb luft\u00eb<\/em>\u201d dhe \u201cKurr\u00eb m\u00eb gjenocid dhe kurr\u00eb m\u00eb Auschwitz<\/em>\u201d, dhe at\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb parimit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Diplomacia gjermane dhe Kosova<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pas ribashkimit natyrsh\u00ebm ndryshoi edhe pesha dhe roli i Gjermanis\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike evropiane dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kur Hans-Dietrich Genscher, at\u00ebher\u00eb minist\u00ebr i Jasht\u00ebm i Gjermanis\u00eb,\u00a0 kishte shtyr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara njohjen e Kroacis\u00eb dhe Sllovenis\u00eb, gjerman\u00ebt ishin akuzuar te ken\u00eb motive t\u00eb larta, madje duke p\u00ebrhapur frik\u00ebn \u201cse shprehit\u00eb e vjetra t\u00eb Gro\u00dfdeutschland nuk kan\u00eb vdekur\u201d (Woodward). Ky keqkuptim i pathemelt\u00eb shpejt ishte eliminuar. Luft\u00ebrat e vazhdueshme n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi, shkat\u00ebrrimet dhe masakrat, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ato t\u00eb kryera nga ushtar\u00ebt serb, dhe masa e refugjat\u00ebve, qindra mij\u00ebra prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve k\u00ebrkuan strehim jasht\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb vun\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje themelet morale dhe vlerat politike t\u00eb komunitetit euro-atlantik, por ato demonstruan se interesi i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt evropian dhe amerikan n\u00eb zgjidhjen paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb konfliktit dhe n\u00eb sjelljen e stabilitetit t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb regjion i leht\u00ebsoi miq\u00ebsit\u00eb tradicionale dhe interesat e nacionale. Pas tmerreve t\u00eb shekullit nj\u00ebzet, Evropa nuk mundej t\u00eb toleronte m\u00eb tej nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb cinizmit jo-human dhe barbarin\u00eb. Ata q\u00eb ndiqnin nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ballafaqoheshin me nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb vendosur. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebsim, dhe do t\u00eb jet\u00eb, i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm si n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb ashtu edhe m\u00eb gjer\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr dallim nga shtetet tjera, Gjermania njohu m\u00eb her\u00ebt natyr\u00ebn potencialisht eksplozive t\u00eb problemit kosovar. Q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1992 diplomacia gjermane p\u00ebrkrahu d\u00ebrgimin e v\u00ebzhguesve t\u00eb OSBE (n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb KSBE) n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. K\u00ebta v\u00ebzhgues, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ishin pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Misionit Afatgjat\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, Sanxhak dhe Vojvodin\u00eb, duhej t\u00eb promovonin dialogun n\u00eb mes shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, etnive tjera n\u00eb Sanxhak dhe n\u00eb Vojvodin\u00eb dhe qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Beogradit, t\u00eb mbledhin informata p\u00ebr shkeljet e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe t\u00eb ndihmonin n\u00eb draftimin e legjislacionit mbi t\u00eb drejtat e minoriteteve, lirin\u00eb e medieve dhe zgjedhjet demokratike. Ministri i Jasht\u00ebm gjerman, Hans Ditrich Genscher, n\u00eb nj\u00eb fjalim para parlamentit shqiptar n\u00eb prill 1992, vinte n\u00eb duke\u00a0 se asnj\u00eb popull tjet\u00ebr nuk ka m shum\u00eb arsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb respektuar t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e popujve p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje sesa populli gjerman, duke shtuar se me udh\u00ebzimin e tij, Komisioni i KSBE-s\u00eb, n\u00eb janar t\u00eb vitit 1992 kishte raportuar p\u00ebr gjendjen e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe e vler\u00ebsoi k\u00ebt\u00eb gjendje jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqshme n\u00eb shum\u00eb aspekt.<\/p>\n

Por, meq\u00eb, Gjermania barte pa t\u00eb drejt\u00eb mbi supe hipotek\u00ebn e faj\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr njohjen e shpejt t\u00eb Sllovenis\u00eb dhe Kroacis\u00eb, n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs ajo u tregua p\u00ebrher\u00eb m\u00eb e p\u00ebrmbajtur, bile shpesh q\u00ebndroi n\u00eb periferi t\u00eb vendimmarrjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Por, duhet pohuar se roli aktiv brenda Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit p\u00ebr Ballkanin, q\u00eb ishte themeluar n\u00eb prill t\u00eb vitit 1994, i dha pesh\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb politik\u00ebs gjermane, e cila p\u00ebrher\u00eb amortizoi dallimet n\u00eb relacionet nd\u00ebrmjet SHBA-s\u00eb dhe Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs. Si\u00e7 e ka pranuar publikisht edhe ambasadori Wolfgang Ishinger, n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Dejtonit gjerman\u00ebt ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebshmit p\u00ebr hapjen e dosjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por asokohe n\u00eb rend t\u00eb par\u00eb ishte paq\u00ebtimi i Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00ebs dhe ishte rivaliteti i disa vendeve evropiane q\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb rastit t\u00eb Sllovenis\u00eb dhe Kroacis\u00eb, nuk d\u00ebshiron q\u00eb njohja e Jugosllavis\u00eb s\u00eb mbetur t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzohej e zgjidhjen e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Vitet 90-t\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit 20 ishin nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb, pasi pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb ky shtet u etablua si nj\u00eb aktor shum\u00ebpal\u00ebsh dhe aleat i besuesh\u00ebm transatlantik. Doktrina e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme gjermane e pas luft\u00ebs u p\u00ebrqendrua n\u00eb qasje \u201ckurr\u00eb m\u00eb luft\u00eb\u201d, nj\u00eb referenc\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr Holokaustin dhe krimet gjermane t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, por edhe p\u00ebr politik\u00eb e jashtme e nj\u00ebanshme dhe agresive t\u00eb atij regjimi. Por, gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb Jugosllavi politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsit gjerman\u00eb e konsideruan regjimin e Millosheviqit si agresorin kryesor. N\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs kund\u00ebr masave shtyp\u00ebse t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb reaguan me rezistenc\u00eb paq\u00ebsore, me nj\u00eb bojkot t\u00eb institucioneve publike dhe kulturore t\u00eb kontrolluara nga Beogradi dhe me krijimin e strukturave t\u00eb veta paralele.\u00a0 N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, si\u00e7 thot\u00eb ish-ministri i jasht\u00ebm gjerman, Joshka Fisher, reagimi pa dhun\u00eb i shqiptar\u00ebve ishte n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me idealet paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb pjes\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs gjermane.\u00a0 Dhe kush e di se si do t\u00eb kishte rrjedhur historia, po t\u00eb kishin p\u00ebrkrahur me solidaritet e majta evropiane dhe t\u00eb gjelbrit qysh at\u00ebher\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebn e drejt\u00eb dhe paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb kosovar\u00ebve.\u00a0 Por, kjo mund\u00ebsi nuk u shfryt\u00ebzua asnj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e pas vitit 1989, thot\u00eb ai.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebrkesat e shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs u radikalizuan, sidomos pas konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Dejtonit, pasi kjo konferenc\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrfshiu Kosov\u00ebn. Pasi U\u00c7K zgjeroi radh\u00ebt, Beogradi vazhdoi fushat\u00ebn e spastrimit etnik sipas modelit t\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb dhe Kroacis\u00eb. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast pati sulme brutale kund\u00ebr popullat\u00ebs shqiptare. \u201cJo kund\u00ebr U\u00c7K-s\u00eb, por para s\u00eb gjithash terrorizmi dhe d\u00ebbimi i popullat\u00ebs shqiptare ishin q\u00ebllimi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i luft\u00ebs. Ngase p\u00ebrb\u00ebrja etnike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ndryshohej p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb dhe kjo mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej vet\u00ebm me p\u00ebrdorimin e dhun\u00ebs brutale dhe terrorit. Ishin k\u00ebto synime kriminale t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, por pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebt\u00eb e parashihte programi serbomadh\u201d, pohon Fischer, nj\u00eb nga politikan\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb angazhuar gjerman n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Sjellja e qeveris\u00eb gjermane n\u00eb vjesht\u00ebn e vitit 1998 tregon se d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr t\u00eb q\u00ebndruar s\u00eb bashku me aleat\u00ebt e saj ishte konsiderata e par\u00eb e Bonnit dhe m\u00eb kryesorja.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e dyshimt\u00eb n\u00ebse solidariteti vet\u00ebm me an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb NATO-s do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb i mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur koalicionin e luft\u00ebs t\u00eb bashkuar. Kjo ndodhi, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kritike, nga\u00a0 nj\u00eb motivim i\u00a0 dyt\u00eb\u00a0 i fuqish\u00ebm: objektivi humanitar i dh\u00ebnies fund t\u00eb thertores, terrorit , spastrimit etnik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Neveri, me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje t\u00eb ndjenj\u00ebs s\u00eb fajit,\u00a0 faji p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebt naziste, si dhe d\u00ebshtimi per\u00ebndimor i fundit\u00a0 n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb, dhan\u00eb nj\u00eb arsye t\u00eb fuqishme p\u00ebr t\u00eb avokuar p\u00ebrdorimin e forc\u00ebs<\/p>\n

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Angazhimi gjerman fitoi profil ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht\u00a0 gjat\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Rambujes\u00eb (shkurt-mars 199), kur Fisher i dha ton jo vet\u00ebm diplomacis\u00eb gjermane, por edhe koordinimit t\u00eb diplomacis\u00eb gjermane dhe amerikane lidhur me zgjidhjen e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Dueti Albright-Fischer ishte nj\u00eb simfoni q\u00eb i jepte ton\u00eb q\u00ebndrimeve p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn\u00a0 brenda Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit, G-8 dhe vendeve t\u00eb quintit. Por, Gjermania q\u00ebllimisht nuk mori rol kryesues n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Rambouillet p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, meq\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb d\u00ebshirohej t\u00eb evitohej keqp\u00ebrdorimi i k\u00ebtij roli nga propaganda nacionaliste n\u00eb Serbi.<\/p>\n

Pas d\u00ebshtimit paraprak shum\u00ebvje\u00e7ar t\u00eb bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb u kushtoi me jet\u00eb rreth 200 mij\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, SHBA-ja ishte e vendosur q\u00eb t\u00eb vepronte ushtarakisht kund\u00ebr Milloshevi\u00e7it, n\u00eb rast nevoje edhe pa vendimin e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit, n\u00ebse ai nuk do t\u00eb hiqte dor\u00eb nga fushat e vrasjeve dhe e d\u00ebbimit t\u00eb civil\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb. Ky intervenim ushtarak duhej t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmerrej duke u bazuar ne vendimin e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb NATO-s, pjes\u00eb e t\u00eb cilit ishte edhe Gjermania. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, shteti gjerman, por p\u00ebrfshihej n\u00eb marrjen e vendimit t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm dhe n\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjen e luft\u00ebs nga NATO-ja n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, t\u00eb largimit t\u00eb kancelarit Helm Kohl dhe ardhjes n\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb, koalicionit kuq-gjelb\u00ebr t\u00eb Shr\u00ebderi dhe Fisherit. Ishte e qart\u00eb se Gjermania nuk mund t\u00eb q\u00ebndronte m\u00eb anash dhe t\u00eb rrezikonte p\u00ebr\u00e7arjen e aleanc\u00ebs. Angazhimi ushtarak n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs m\u00eb 24 mars 1999 ishte nj\u00eb vendim historik, ngase p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs \u00ebs Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, shteti gjerman merrte pjes\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb operacion ushtarak jasht\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb NATO-s. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb politikan\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb, kancelari Gerhard Shr\u00ebder,\u00a0 ministri i Jasht\u00ebm Joshka Fisher dhe ministri i Mbrojtjes Rudolf Sharping p\u00ebr angazhimin ushtris\u00eb gjermane n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn edhe argumentin moral. \u00cbsht\u00eb e njohur th\u00ebnia lapidare e\u00a0 Fisherit: \u201cKurr\u00eb m\u00eb Aushvic\u201d, \u201cKurr\u00eb m\u00eb gjenocid\u201d. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, Gjat\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, koalicioni qeveris\u00ebs\u00a0 kuq \/gjelb\u00ebr kaloi dy pragjet kritike<\/p>\n

n\u00eb lidhje me p\u00ebrdorimin e forc\u00ebs. S\u00eb pari, Bonni pranoi nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrjen n\u00eb Bundeswehr n\u00eb Sulmet ajrore t\u00eb NATO-s, k\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebrfshiu ushtar\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb n\u00eb misione luftarake. S\u00eb dyti, qeveria ra dakord p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb mandati nga ana e K\u00ebshillit\u00a0 t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb OKB- q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb, pa ndonj\u00eb legjitimitet t\u00eb dyshimt\u00eb, n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me ligjin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Ky q\u00ebndrim d\u00ebshmonte se n\u00eb fokus t\u00eb angazhimit gjerman ishte mbrojtja vlerave humane p\u00ebrball\u00eb terrorit t\u00eb Beogradit dhe jo e interesave\u00a0 nacionale.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, lufta e Kosov\u00ebs sh\u00ebnoi rikthimin e fuqish\u00ebm t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb n\u00eb parketin e diplomacis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe rritjen e rolit t\u00eb sa n\u00eb Ballkan, respektivisht ishte fillimi i asaj, \u00e7far\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb kancelari Gerhard Shr\u00ebder e quante \u201cdetabuizimi\u201d ushtarak. Ky angazhim n\u00eb intervenimin humanitar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb hap vendimtar n\u00eb procesin e zhvillimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb roli t\u00eb ri gjerman n\u00eb Ballkan. Ky vendim nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht ishte edhe shk\u00ebputje me rregullin e vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb, q\u00eb deri at\u00ebher\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb n\u00eb fuqi p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e jashtme gjermane.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, lufta e Kosov\u00ebs gjithashtu ka sh\u00ebnuar nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthyese n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kjo nuk ishte nj\u00eb luft\u00eb e fuqive gjeopolitike, t\u00eb cilat kishin l\u00ebnduar aq thell\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Jug-Lindore n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, por ishte m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur nj\u00eb katastrof\u00eb humanitare. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb interesave nacionale, komuniteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebrcolli q\u00ebllimin e implementimit t\u00eb parimeve themelore t\u00eb ligjit dhe humanitetit.<\/p>\n

Joshka Fisher, n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, solli n\u00eb kujtes\u00eb th\u00ebnien\u00a0 shpesh t\u00eb p\u00ebrqeshur t\u00eb Helmut Kohl se Integrimi evropian ishte nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e luft\u00ebs ose e paqes, duke argumentuar se lufta e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr arritjet e integrimit evropian per\u00ebndimor. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto aspekte, sjellja Gjermane i p\u00ebrgjigjej ngusht\u00eb konceptit t\u00eb rolit t\u00eb aktorit kolektiv dhe partnerit t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Gjermania ishte n\u00eb ball\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb alternativa politike n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn kur po vazhdonte fushata ajrore e NATO-s, q\u00eb sh\u00ebnon kalimin nga \u201cdiplomacy backed by force\u201d n\u00eb \u201cforce backed by diplomacy\u201d. K\u00ebshtu , pas disa mosp\u00ebrfilljeve fillestare t\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebrguarit t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm Rusis\u00eb Viktor Chernomyrdin, Boni me t\u00eb ashtquajturin \u201cPlani Fischer \u00ab\u00a0i hapi rrug\u00ebn rikthimit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb procesin diplomatik , dhe gjithashtu krijoi mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfshirjen e KS t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb dhe n\u00eb fund edhe miratimit t\u00eb Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 t\u00eb KS t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb. Ky angazhim gjerman \u00e7oi n\u00eb arritjen e nj\u00eb konsensusi edhe brenda vendeve t\u00eb G-8, i cili n\u00eb themelet e nj\u00eb zgjidhjeje politike p\u00ebrfshinte edhe t\u00ebrheqjen e plot\u00eb t\u00eb forcave ushtarake dhe policore serbe. Por, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb nj\u00eb lufte q\u00ebndron sfida p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fillim t\u00eb ri. Vera e vitit 1999 gjeti ushtar\u00ebt gjerman n\u00eb misionin ushtarak n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, i cili nuk ishte mision p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs i vij\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb, si\u00e7 ishte rasti n\u00eb\u00a0 Kamboxh\u00eb, Somali, apo edhe gjat\u00eb misionit IFOR n\u00eb Bosnje, por ushtar\u00ebt gjerman kishin marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb aktivisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb operacion ushtarak t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga NATO, me q\u00ebllime ushtarake\u2014t\u00ebrheqjen e trupave serbe nga Kosova. Gjermania po angazhohej p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb \u00a0Kjo sinjalizon shum\u00eb qart\u00eb se Gjermania e ri-bashkuar kishte vullnet t\u00eb marr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi dhe se aleat\u00ebt dhe partner\u00ebt e Gjermanis\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb pranojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rol t\u00eb ri t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb mbrojtjen e paqes dhe stabilitetit n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pesha e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e diplomacis\u00eb gjermane u evidentua edhe n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e definimit t\u00eb statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Ishte Berlini q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2003 inicioi riaktivizimin e Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit,\u00a0 nj\u00eb instrument i diplomacis\u00eb ad hoc nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb ravij\u00ebzoi parimet baz\u00eb p\u00ebr adresimin e statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe i hapi rrug\u00ebn procesit negociues t\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs n\u00ebn drejtimin e ish-presidentit finlandez Martti Ahtisaari. Po ashtu, p\u00ebrmes pranis\u00eb s\u00eb saj n\u00eb kryes t\u00eb institucioneve kryesore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb; Joachim Ryker n\u00eb krye t\u00eb UNMIK-ut, Wolfgang Ishinger, figura ky\u00e7e e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme gjermane n\u00eb negociatat shtes\u00eb 120 ditore n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2007. Berlini zyrtar gjithashtu kishte nj\u00eb detyr\u00eb t\u00eb ndjeshme q\u00eb n\u00eb koordinim me Washingtonin dhe Brukselin q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatis terrenit diplomatik p\u00ebr shpalljen dhe njohjen nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb theksuar d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e saj p\u00ebr stabiliteti rajonal, Gjermania i dha p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi p\u00ebrgatitjeve p\u00ebr vendosjen e Misionit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr Sundimin e Ligjit p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn (EULEX). Nd\u00ebrsa, kur Kosova shpalli pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb m\u00eb 17 shkurt 2008, Gjermania ishte nj\u00eb nga vendet e para q\u00eb e njohur shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e vendit ton\u00eb. Sidoqoft\u00eb, ministri i Jasht\u00ebm i Gjermanis\u00eb Frank-Walter<\/p>\n

Steinmeier do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorte gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb kujdesshme. N\u00eb kontrast me Presidentin Bush, i cili<\/p>\n

e quajti shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201c\u00e7lirim\u201d, Steinmeier pranoi se deklarata e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb \u00a0ndodhi pas bisedimeve t\u00eb shumta multilaterale t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuara, duke shtuar se njohja ishte e vetmja mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar stabilitet n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb ishte me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb mbrohej edhe ligjshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Hag\u00ebs,\u00a0 pasi Asamblen\u00eb e P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara kishte d\u00ebrguar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gjykat\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e Serbis\u00eb n\u00ebse pavar\u00ebsia Kosov\u00ebs ishte n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare?\u00a0 Gjermania, s\u00eb bashku me an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e saj quintit, mori nj\u00eb rol udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs n\u00eb duke iu p\u00ebrgjigjur iniciativ\u00ebs. Berlini ishte i angazhuar q\u00eb mendimi i GJND-s\u00eb<\/p>\n

T\u00eb ishte n\u00eb favor t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, pasi kjo do t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtonte \u00e7do pretendim t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr rihapjen e bisedime t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme p\u00ebr statusin t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequra nga KB. Pas k\u00ebsaj, Gjermania mori pjes\u00eb n\u00eb diskutimet n\u00eb GJND-s\u00eb, duke argumentuar ligjshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. K\u00ebshtu funksionoi ngusht\u00eb me partner\u00ebt e saj p\u00ebr koordinimin e argumenteve ligjore dhe n\u00eb diskurs Berlini p\u00ebrher\u00eb kishte deklarata koherente. Pika kryesore e Gjermanis\u00eb ishte p\u00ebrshkrimi i rastit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs si nj\u00eb rast sui generis, q\u00eb negociatat shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe kishin shteruar t\u00eb gjitha rrug\u00ebt e mundshme dhe se pavar\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb \u00e7onte n\u00eb nj\u00eb stabilitet m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb rajon. P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesja e Gjermanis\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gjykat\u00eb hodhi posht\u00eb pretendimin se pavar\u00ebsia ishte i paligjsh\u00ebm me arsyetimin se ligji nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar hesht p\u00ebr rastin e ndarjes dhe se rezolut\u00eb e OKB 1244 nuk ndalonte shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

do t\u00eb d\u00ebmtonte status quo-n\u00eb e sapo arritur. Sidoqoft\u00eb, nuk mund t\u00eb ishte<\/p>\n

Momenti tjet\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i angazhimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs gjermane n\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn ishte q\u00ebndrimi i vendosur dhe i qart\u00eb i Kancelares Angela Merkel, e cila gjat\u00eb takimit me Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 n\u00eb Beograd n\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2011 qartas deklaroi se Beogradi duhet t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebnte strukturat ilegale serbe n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, si dhe duhej t\u00eb fillonte dialogun me fqinjin e saj, Kosov\u00eb. Nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb von\u00eb, n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb fraksionit CDU\/CSU, Andreas Schokenhoffen, prezantoi platform\u00ebn shtat\u00eb pik\u00ebshe\u00a0 si shtat\u00eb kushtet gjermane p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore Kosov\u00eb-Serbi. N\u00ebp\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtij dokumenti Gjermania pa dyshim fuqizoi pozicionin e Kosov\u00ebs si dhe i dha dinamik\u00eb t\u00eb re dialogut n\u00eb mes dy shteteve t\u00eb rajonit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore. Ky kusht\u00ebzim gjerman mes tjerash parashihte q\u00eb Serbia n\u00eb fund t\u00eb procesit p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim\u00a0 n\u00eb BE duhej t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruante me Kosov\u00ebn nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare juridikisht obliguese p\u00ebr normalizimin e raporteve fqinj\u00ebsore.<\/p>\n

Pas k\u00ebtyre zhvillimeve, bashk\u00ebpunimi rajonal n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor mori nj\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb duhur sidomos me Procesin e Berlinit, i cili startoi me m\u00eb 28 gusht 2014, n\u00eb p\u00ebrvjetorin e 100 t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore m\u00eb 28 gusht 2014. Ky proces n\u00ebn vul\u00ebn e Kancelares Merkel \u00a0p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb momentum t\u00eb ri politik p\u00ebr vendet e rajonit n\u00eb kuptimin e bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal dhe t\u00eb integrimit evropian. Pas Samitit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb Selanik 2004, Samiti i Berlinit \u00ebsht\u00eb takimi m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm politik lidhur me problematik\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb ardhmen e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor. Por, ve\u00e7antia e tij lidhet me shnd\u00ebrrimin e problematik\u00ebs rajonale t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb politik\u00eb prioritare evropiane dhe me rikthimin e rajonit n\u00eb agjend\u00ebn e politik\u00eb s\u00eb jashtme gjermane, e cila mbetet m\u00eb me ndikim n\u00eb formulimin edhe t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb karshi rajonit.<\/p>\n

Edhe tani kur pritet marr\u00ebveshja finale nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00eb dhe Beogradit, roli i Gjermanis\u00eb mbetet thelb\u00ebsor si n\u00eb paq\u00ebtimin e rajonit dhe vendimtar n\u00eb procesin e integrimit europian. Ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb rol i ri i Gjermanin\u00eb, por edhe \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi e re nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb ka marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr, dhe q\u00eb po i k\u00ebrkohet nga evropian\u00ebt, si\u00e7 do t\u00eb thoshte \u00a0Henry Kisinger. Po ashtu, nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim strategjik i vazhduesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsit gjerman\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb integrim i suksessh\u00ebm dhe paq\u00ebsor i Kosova n\u00eb rajon dhe n\u00eb BE. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, Kosova e sheh Gjermania, jo vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb adres\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme politike n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, por edhe si nj\u00eb nga shtetet kryesore t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb angazhohet n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb promovimit dhe t\u00eb integrimit e plot\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[1]<\/a>\u00a0Ky artikull \u00ebsht\u00eb shk\u00ebputur nga libri n\u00eb dor\u00ebshkrim \u201cDiplomacia gjermane dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Kosov\u00ebs 1990-2008\u201d.<\/p>\n

<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Dr. Syl\u00eb Ukshini P\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb nuk solli n\u00eb Europ\u00eb vet\u00ebm r\u00ebnien e murit t\u00eb Berlinit dhe t\u00eb perandoris\u00eb sovjetike, e me k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe lirin\u00eb dhe demokracin\u00eb p\u00ebr popujt e Europ\u00ebs Lindore, por edhe n\u00eb juglindje t\u00eb kontinentit ton\u00eb, n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi, ishte rikthyer lufta. Dhe ky zhvillim ndryshoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore politik\u00ebn […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":17788,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9,4],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nRoli i Gjermanis\u00eb s\u00eb ribashkuar dhe Kosova - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=17787\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Roli i Gjermanis\u00eb s\u00eb ribashkuar dhe Kosova - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nga Dr. Syl\u00eb Ukshini P\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb nuk solli n\u00eb Europ\u00eb vet\u00ebm r\u00ebnien e murit t\u00eb Berlinit dhe t\u00eb perandoris\u00eb sovjetike, e me k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe lirin\u00eb dhe demokracin\u00eb p\u00ebr popujt e Europ\u00ebs Lindore, por edhe n\u00eb juglindje t\u00eb kontinentit ton\u00eb, n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi, ishte rikthyer lufta. 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