{"id":17731,"date":"2019-10-03T19:58:16","date_gmt":"2019-10-03T17:58:16","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=17731"},"modified":"2019-10-03T19:58:16","modified_gmt":"2019-10-03T17:58:16","slug":"pse-tranzicioni-demokratik-na-ka-zhgenjyer","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=17731","title":{"rendered":"Pse tranzicioni demokratik na ka zhg\u00ebnjyer?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga Prof. Fatos Tarifa<\/strong><\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb 30 viteve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar shum\u00eb mbi pro\u00e7esin e tranzicionit postkomunist n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Ky subjekt \u00ebsht\u00eb trajtuar nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. Disa autor\u00eb kan\u00eb studjuar reformimin ekonomik t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare, t\u00eb tjer\u00eb jan\u00eb fokusuar n\u00eb transformimin politik t\u00eb saj, disa e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar v\u00ebmendjen n\u00eb transformimin e institucioneve t\u00eb shtetit, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb n\u00eb transformimin e kultur\u00ebs politike. Autor\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb argumentojn\u00eb se procesi i tranzicionit postkomunist n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri tashm\u00eb ka p\u00ebrfunduar. T\u00eb tjer\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb mendimit se, edhe pas tri dekadash, Shqip\u00ebria vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb tranzicion. Un\u00eb i p\u00ebrmbahem pik\u00ebpamjes s\u00eb dyt\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ese, sidoqoft\u00eb, d\u00ebshiroj t\u00eb shtjelloj p\u00ebrse shoq\u00ebria q\u00eb kemi krijuar deri m\u00eb sot n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb komunizmit na ka zhg\u00ebnjyer e vazhdon t\u00eb na zhg\u00ebnjej\u00eb.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Si \u00e7do transformim rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie, periudha postkomuniste ushqeu q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim shpresa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e shqiptar\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb europianolindor\u00eb, shum\u00eb nga t\u00eb cilat shpejt ua lan\u00eb vendin zhg\u00ebnjimeve t\u00eb thella. Zhg\u00ebnjimet q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb individ, ose nj\u00eb komb jan\u00eb rrjedhoj\u00eb e zhvillimeve stresuese n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e tyre. Por, cilat zhvillime \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjime dhe pse? Zakonisht, shkaqet e zhg\u00ebnjimeve k\u00ebrkohen n\u00eb\u00a0rezultatet\u00a0<\/em>e ngjarjeve e t\u00eb zhvillimeve q\u00eb ndodhin n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e gjithsecilit prej nesh, ose n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. N\u00ebse e shohim \u00e7\u00ebshtjen nga ky k\u00ebnv\u00ebshtrim, pra nga zhvillimet e derisotme dhe rezultatet e tyre, mund t\u00eb themi pa asnj\u00eb hezitim se vitet e gjat\u00eb t\u00eb tranzicionit postkomunist n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri kan\u00eb prodhuar drama t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, stresuese, n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e vendit dhe n\u00eb psikologjin\u00eb e n\u00eb mir\u00ebqenien e qytetar\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb: nj\u00eb eksod masiv n\u00eb fillimin e viteve 1990; nj\u00eb kolaps total ekonomik dhe r\u00ebnien thuajse totale t\u00eb shtetit m\u00eb 1997, pas shembjes s\u00eb firmave piramidale t\u00eb tipit Ponzi; d\u00ebshtimin e nj\u00eb grushti shteti nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb von\u00eb; kabinete qeveritar\u00eb t\u00eb paq\u00ebndryesh\u00ebm n\u00eb fund t\u00eb asaj dekade dhe n\u00eb fillimin e viteve 2000; nj\u00eb korrupsion galopant n\u00eb \u00e7do nivel t\u00eb tri shtyllave prej t\u00eb cilave formohet dhe mbahet n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb shteti\u2014gjyq\u00ebsorit, ekzekutivit dhe legjislativit\u2014si dhe nj\u00eb amulli e paprecedent n\u00eb drejtimin e shtetit, pas daljes s\u00eb opozit\u00ebs nga parlamenti, n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti, \u00e7ka i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb s\u00ebrish evidente tendancat autoritariste. K\u00ebto t\u00eb gjitha jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb shkak zhg\u00ebnjimesh t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ese, sidoqoft\u00eb, un\u00eb kam zgjedhur t\u00eb flas jo p\u00ebr zhg\u00ebnjimet q\u00eb kan\u00eb krijuar zhvillimet e m\u00ebsip\u00ebr, por p\u00ebr zhg\u00ebnjimet q\u00eb kan\u00eb krijuar, si kudo n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Lindore, edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri,\u00a0shpresat<\/em>\u00a0q\u00eb ngjalli shembja e sistemit t\u00eb socializmit shtet\u00ebror. Argumenti q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqem t\u00eb shtjelloj \u00ebsht\u00eb ky: shpeshher\u00eb, zhg\u00ebnjimet jan\u00eb rezultat\u00a0i paevituesh\u00ebm<\/em>\u00a0i vet\u00eb shpresave t\u00eb fillimit, pasi vet\u00eb k\u00ebto shpresa jan\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb parealizueshme<\/em>. Her\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, shpresa t\u00eb caktuara krijojn\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjim pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb momentin kur mendohet se ato jan\u00eb realizuar. P\u00ebrvojat e tranzicionit postkomunist n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Lindore, ashtu si dhe ato t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb socializmit shtet\u00ebror, variojn\u00eb shum\u00eb nga nj\u00ebri vend n\u00eb tjetrin. Po k\u00ebshtu variojn\u00eb edhe shpresat q\u00eb ushqyen dhe zhg\u00ebnjimet q\u00eb provuan qysh nga fillimi i k\u00ebtij procesi popujt e ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb k\u00ebtij rajoni dhe, ndoshta, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, populli shqiptar. Un\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqem t\u00eb v\u00eb n\u00eb dukje, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb joshteruese, disa prej shkaqeve, si dhe t\u00eb argumentoj se pse\u00a0disa prej shpresave m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha\u00a0<\/em>n\u00eb fillimet e tranzicionit postkomunist shpejt ua lan\u00eb vendin\u00a0zhg\u00ebnjimeve t\u00eb thella<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Shkaku i par\u00eb<\/strong>\u00a0Shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz besuan\u2014dhe shpresuan\u2014se, me shembjen e sistemit t\u00eb socializmit shtet\u00ebror, ai sistem (si dhe zakonet, praktikat dhe mentaliteti q\u00eb lidheshin me t\u00eb) do t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoheshin\u00a0over night<\/em>\u00a0nga nj\u00eb sistem i konsoliduar demokratik (dhe nga zakone, shprehi, praktika dhe nj\u00eb mend\u00ebsi e re), gj\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndodhte kaq shpejt dhe ende duket si nj\u00eb di\u00e7ka e larg\u00ebt n\u00eb kushtet e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb son\u00eb. Shum\u00eb nga tiparet e rendit q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbys\u00ebm, sidomos mend\u00ebsit\u00eb dhe shum\u00eb praktika t\u00eb vjetra n\u00eb organizimin dhe n\u00eb drejtimin e pun\u00ebve t\u00eb shtetit, si dhe n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet shoq\u00ebrore mes individ\u00ebve, apo n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes qytetarit dhe shtetit, u mbijetuan ndryshimeve politike dhe ekonomike e vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb edhe sot.<\/p>\n

Shkaku i dyt<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>\u00a0Nj\u00eb shkak tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb ai, t\u00eb cilin mund ta quajm\u00eb\u00a0\u00eb<\/em>ndrra t\u00eb pamundura<\/em>. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, si dhe n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Lindore, pati shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt sinqerisht besuan se, sapo rendi i socializmit shtet\u00ebror t\u00eb shembej, progresi drejt liris\u00eb, demokracis\u00eb dhe prosperitetit do t\u00eb ishte\u00a0linear<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0i pandalsh\u00ebm<\/em>. Zhg\u00ebnjimet q\u00eb rezultuan kur u kuptua se kjo ishte praktikisht e pamundur, ishin n\u00eb proporcion t\u00eb drejt\u00eb me shkall\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt njer\u00ebzit kishin besuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr. N\u00ebse shpresat te t\u00eb cilat njer\u00ebzit besojn\u00eb me pasion\u00a0nuk<\/em>\u00a0realizohen, kjo, natyrisht, krijon zhg\u00ebnjime tek ata. Sa m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha e jorealiste t\u00eb jen\u00eb shpresat dhe sa m\u00eb i sinqert\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb besimi n\u00eb realizimin e tyre, aq m\u00eb i thell\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjimi q\u00eb p\u00ebsojm\u00eb nga d\u00ebshtimi i tyre. Zhg\u00ebnjimet e k\u00ebsaj natyre, t\u00eb cilat lidhen me d\u00ebshtimin e projekteve p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta demokratike, t\u00eb lira e t\u00eb pakorruptuara, legjitimojn\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb nga vendet e Europ\u00ebs Lindore at\u00eb q\u00eb gjerman\u00ebt e quajn\u00eb\u00a0Demostalgie<\/em>\u2014nostalgji p\u00ebr periudh\u00ebn e hershme, t\u00eb romantizuar, t\u00eb tranzicionit demokratik n\u00eb vitet 1989-90, kur nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e qytetar\u00ebve dhe opozita demokratike n\u00eb k\u00ebta vende k\u00ebrkonin nj\u00eb transformim t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb demokratik, respektimin e lirive qytetare dhe t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, kauza k\u00ebto, t\u00eb cilat, n\u00eb mjaft vende\u2014por ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri\u2014duket se jan\u00eb harruar.<\/p>\n

Shkaku i tret<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>\u00a0Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr shkak m\u00eb kujton aforizmin e nj\u00eb filozofi amerikan, i cili thot\u00eb: \u201cNuk ka asnj\u00eb arsye t\u00eb supozojm\u00eb se e v\u00ebrteta, kur e zbulojm\u00eb at\u00eb, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb domosdo interesante p\u00ebr ne\u201d. N\u00eb analogji me k\u00ebt\u00eb aforiz\u00ebm, mund t\u00eb themi se, ne\u00a0nuk<\/em>\u00a0kishim asnj\u00eb arsye t\u00eb supozonim se shoq\u00ebria postkomuniste do t\u00eb ishte domosdo di\u00e7ka atraktive\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb<\/em>. Qysh nga fillimi i tranzicionit postkomunist (madje, edhe n\u00eb vendet q\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur tranzicionin m\u00eb t\u00eb leht\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm), ka pasur dhe vazhdon t\u00eb ket\u00eb njer\u00ebz q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ushqejn\u00eb nostalgji p\u00ebr sistemin e vjet\u00ebr. P\u00ebr ta, \u00e7do gj\u00eb, ose shum\u00eb\u00e7ka q\u00eb ka ndodhur pas shembjes s\u00eb komunizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjim i madh. Nj\u00eb nostalgji e till\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn gjerman\u00ebt p\u00ebrdorin termin\u00a0Ostalgie<\/em>, s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim retrospektiv i jet\u00ebs dhe i organizimit shoq\u00ebror n\u00eb kushtet e socializmit shtet\u00ebtor, q\u00eb e gjejm\u00eb kryesisht n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e moshave t\u00eb rritura\u2014por, sidomos, n\u00eb moshat e thyera\u2014t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, me pensionet e tyre minimale, e kan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrballojn\u00eb nevojat p\u00ebr jetes\u00eb n\u00eb kushtet e reja t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb tregut t\u00eb lir\u00eb dhe sh\u00ebrbimeve inadekuate t\u00eb shtetit p\u00ebr ta.<\/p>\n

Shkaku i kat<\/strong>\u00ebrt<\/strong>\u00a0Nj\u00eb arsye tjet\u00ebr ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me natyr\u00ebn\u00a0moniste<\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb shpres\u00ebs dhe me\u00a0pluralitetin<\/em>\u00a0e zhg\u00ebnjimeve njer\u00ebzore. Isaiah Berlin, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr mendimtar\u00ebt liberal\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb shquar t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 20-t\u00eb, ka th\u00ebn\u00eb se jo \u00e7do gj\u00eb q\u00eb ne d\u00ebshirojm\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb harmoni me t\u00eb gjitha gj\u00ebrat e tjera q\u00eb duam t\u00eb arrijm\u00eb dhe t\u00eb kemi. K\u00ebt\u00eb e konfirmon m\u00eb s\u00eb miri p\u00ebrvoja e shum\u00eb prej vendeve ish-komuniste, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebrvoja e vendit ton\u00eb. Shum\u00eb shpresa t\u00eb fillimit ishin \u201cmoniste\u201d, n\u00eb kuptim q\u00eb i jep k\u00ebsaj fjale Isaiah Berlin: fundi i komunizmit do t\u00eb mund\u00ebsonte krijimin e \u00e7do gj\u00ebje t\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb popujt e Europ\u00ebs Lindore d\u00ebshironim dhe t\u00eb asgj\u00ebje q\u00eb ishte, ose \u00ebsht\u00eb e pad\u00ebshiruar p\u00ebr ta. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, ajo \u00e7far\u00eb ka ndodhur pas shembjes s\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb socializmit shtet\u00ebror \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dukuri tep\u00ebr komplekse. Nd\u00ebrsa shum\u00eb zhvillime q\u00eb pasuan p\u00ebrmbysjen e sistemit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr ishin rezultati\u00a0i pritur<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0i d\u00ebshiruar<\/em>\u00a0nga t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, kishte dhe vazhdon t\u00eb ket\u00eb zhvillime e dukuri, t\u00eb cilat ishin dhe mbeten\u00a0t\u00eb pad\u00ebshiruara p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, ose p\u00ebr grupe t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb saj<\/em>. Ky, ndoshta, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tipar universal i kushteve t\u00eb jet\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore, t\u00eb cilin\u00a0nuk<\/em>\u00a0mundet ta evitoj\u00eb dot asnj\u00eb sistem shoq\u00ebror.<\/p>\n

Shkaku i pest<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>\u00a0Mund t\u00eb flitet edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shkak tjet\u00ebr, i cili m\u00eb kujton\u00a0zhg<\/em>\u00ebnjimet q\u00eb rezultojn\u00eb nga\u00a0<\/em>martes<\/em>a<\/em>. Ka njer\u00ebz, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt mendojn\u00eb se martesa u ka plot\u00ebsuar atyre t\u00eb gjitha nevojat dhe d\u00ebshirat q\u00eb kan\u00eb por, me kalimin e koh\u00ebs, kuptojn\u00eb se ata nuk jan\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur prej saj, madje mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur. N\u00eb analogji me k\u00ebt\u00eb, mund t\u00eb thuhet se, edhe pse disa nga shpresat q\u00eb ngjalli periudha postkomuniste nd\u00ebr popujt e Europ\u00ebs Lindore jan\u00eb realizuar, kjo nuk ka mundur t\u2019i shmang\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjimet p\u00ebr at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb realizuar deri m\u00eb sot n\u00eb shum\u00eb nga vendet e k\u00ebtij rajoni. Sigurisht q\u00eb sistemi i socializmit shtet\u00ebror \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysur dhe nuk mund t\u00eb rikthehet m\u00eb, liria e fjal\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb realitet, radh\u00ebt e dikurshme n\u00eb dyqane jan\u00eb zhdukur, produktet ushqimor\u00eb dhe mallrat e konsumit gjenden me boll\u00ebk, kushtet e jetes\u00ebs jan\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ndieshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb, kapitali i huaj ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do vend por, megjithat\u00eb, shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbeten t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyer nga zhvillimet e derisotme.<\/p>\n

Kjo vjen ngaq\u00eb, edhe pse shum\u00eb nga arritjet e para t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs postkomuniste ishin v\u00ebrtet spektakolare\u2014zgjedhjet e para pluraliste, \u00e7montimi i aparatit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr shtet\u00ebror, liria e fjal\u00ebs dhe e shtypit, fytyrat e reja q\u00eb u ngjit\u00ebn n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike, hartimi i kushtetutave t\u00eb para postkomuniste, restaurimi i pron\u00ebs private, reformimi kapitalist i ekonomis\u00eb etj.\u2014me kalimin e koh\u00ebs, k\u00ebto arritje filluan t\u00eb merren si t\u00eb mir\u00ebqena dhe qytetar\u00ebt natyrsh\u00ebm filluan t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Retorika antikomuniste nuk mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente pafund\u00ebsisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar qeverit\u00eb e reja dhe steka ngrihej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb lart, \u00e7ka do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se, me koh\u00eb filluan t\u00eb shtrohen e t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqshme probleme t\u00eb reja. Dhe, pasi atyre u gjenden zgjidhje, t\u00eb tjera probleme shtrohen p\u00ebr zgjidhje n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri postkomuniste, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb evolucion t\u00eb pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Shkaku i gjasht<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>\u00a0Shum\u00eb nisma dhe reforma n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha l\u00ebmit\u00eb e jet\u00ebs n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb postkomuniste jan\u00eb pritur me zhg\u00ebnjim nga nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e popullsis\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm sepse ato kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqin shpresat\u00a0jorealiste<\/em>, ose\u00a0t\u00eb parakohshme\u00a0<\/em>t\u00eb tyre, por edhe p\u00ebr shkak se vet\u00eb k\u00ebto nisma apo reforma ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb jan\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u dh\u00ebn\u00eb zgjidhje\u00a0t\u00eb pamenduara mir\u00eb<\/em>\u00a0problemeve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, fjala vjen, n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve pron\u00ebsore, n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e arsimit, n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e kujdesit sh\u00ebndetsor, n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb sigurimeve shoq\u00ebrore etj. Zgjidhje t\u00eb pamenduara mir\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto fusha mund t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb\u2014dhe kan\u00eb krijuar thuajse kudo, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri\u2014probleme t\u00eb reja, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidhnin t\u00eb vjetrat, duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebshtu edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb thella zhg\u00ebnjimet q\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb shum\u00eb qytetar\u00eb n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb dhe n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Lindore.<\/p>\n

Shkaku i shtat<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>\u00a0Ishte di\u00e7ka e natyrshme\u2014dhe e drejt\u00eb\u2014q\u00eb t\u2019ua atribuoje shum\u00eb prej gj\u00ebrave m\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqija t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb socializmit shtet\u00ebror\u00a0shtetit t\u00eb gjith<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>fuqish\u00ebm dhe monopolit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb \u00e7do fush\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00ebs<\/em>. Diagnoza e atij sistemi, me t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb k\u00ebqijat e veta, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb logjike do t\u00eb \u00e7onte n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin se, p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb lir\u00eb, roli i shtetit duhej t\u00eb minimizohej n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb drastike. Madje, shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz besonin\u2014dhe vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb besojn\u00eb\u2014se sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kufizohet roli i shtetit n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, aq m\u00eb mir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb. P\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, ajo q\u00eb ndodhi n\u00eb disa prej shoq\u00ebrive m\u00eb t\u00eb varfra e m\u00eb t\u00eb prapambetura postkomuniste, ishte pik\u00ebrisht kjo\u2014minimizimi i rolit t\u00eb shtetit. Shum\u00eb shpejt, frik\u00ebs nga\u00a0shteti i fort<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>\u00a0ia zuri vendin frika nga\u00a0pasiguria<\/em>\u00a0dhe nga\u00a0krimi<\/em>\u00a0(real apo i imagjinuar)\u2014pra, frika nga\u00a0dob<\/em>\u00ebsia e shtetit<\/em>. Njer\u00ebzit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jetes\u00ebn e tyre e p\u00ebrballojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm me pag\u00ebn, ose me pensionin q\u00eb marrin nga shteti, jan\u00eb ndeshur e ndeshen kudo me buxhete q\u00eb tkurren dhe me mund\u00ebsi shum\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuara p\u00ebr nj\u00eb jetes\u00eb normale, humanisht dinjitoze. N\u00eb shum\u00eb vende, shteti postkomunist e ka pasur dhe e ka t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb mbledh\u00eb taksat p\u00ebr buxhetin e vet, me an\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb cilave t\u00eb paguaj\u00eb punonj\u00ebsit dhe sh\u00ebrbimet e tij.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, shum\u00eb nga asetet e \u00e7muara t\u00eb shtetit komunist, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe sektor\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb, n\u00eb disa vende u shit\u00ebn, ose u privatizuan fare lir\u00eb nga biznesmen\u00eb, kryesisht vendas, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u shnd\u00ebrruan n\u00eb oligark\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Kjo oligarki dhe monopolet e tyre sundojn\u00eb jet\u00ebn ekonomike dhe politike n\u00eb shum\u00eb nga k\u00ebta vende. Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb, ndoshta, rasti m\u00eb tipik\u2014dhe m\u00eb i dhimbsh\u00ebm\u2014n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt. Tranzicioni postkomunist duket se rikonfirmoi nj\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, e cila, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb inherente karakterizon \u00e7do shoq\u00ebri njer\u00ebzore: e kund\u00ebrta e nj\u00eb gj\u00ebje t\u00eb keqe (komunizmi), nuk mund t\u00eb ishte domosdo nj\u00eb gj\u00eb\u00a0vet\u00ebm<\/em>\u00a0e mir\u00eb (postkomunizmi), ose\u00a0nj<\/em>\u00eblloj e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Shkaku i tet<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>\u00a0Nj\u00eb shkak tjet\u00ebr m\u00eb kujton proverbin amerikan, q\u00eb thot\u00eb: \u201cThere\u2019s no such thing as a free lunch<\/em>\u201d (Nuk ka drek\u00eb falas). Shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb naive menduan se, me shembjen e sistemit t\u00eb socializmit shtet\u00ebror dhe me krijimin e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie t\u00eb lir\u00eb, \u00e7do gj\u00eb q\u00eb ata shpresonin t\u00eb arrinin do t\u00eb ishte \u201cfree\u201d p\u00ebr ta, pra nuk do t\u00eb kushtonte asgj\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, shum\u00eb nga reformat q\u00eb nd\u00ebrmor\u00ebn shtetet postkomunist\u00eb kishin dhe vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb kosto t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt, gj\u00eb q\u00eb natyrsh\u00ebm ka krijuar dhe vazhdon t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjime t\u00eb shumta n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e nj\u00eb mase t\u00eb gjer\u00eb njer\u00ebzish. Kjo, n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim real t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, ka provuar d\u00ebshtimin e vet\u00eb teorive sociale mbi tranzicionin, t\u00eb cilat nuk arrit\u00ebn t\u00eb parashikonin dot koston e lart\u00eb\u2014e shprehur si pabarazi, si dislokim social, psikik dhe ekonomik i nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb dhe shum\u00eb dukuri t\u00eb tjera\u2014q\u00eb do t\u00eb shoq\u00ebronte transformimin ekonomik dhe politik t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb postkomuniste dhe zhg\u00ebnjimet q\u00eb do t\u00eb krijonte ky proces n\u00eb segmente t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb. *** N\u00eb fillimet e tranzicionit postkomunist ishin t\u00eb shumt\u00eb ata q\u00eb besuan se vendosja dhe konsolidimi i nj\u00eb rendi demokratik do t\u00eb ishte di\u00e7ka relativisht e leht\u00eb dhe e shpejt\u00eb dhe se shteti ligjor, barazia dhe prosperiteti nuk do t\u00eb vononin t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin tipare t\u00eb \u00e7do shoq\u00ebrie postkomuniste. Nj\u00eb shpres\u00eb e till\u00eb ishte, qysh n\u00eb fillim, e destinuar t\u00eb d\u00ebshtonte dhe t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjente shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz. Tashm\u00eb, dihet se vizioni fillestar mbi tranzicionin postkomunist ishte tep\u00ebr roz\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa parashikimet e b\u00ebra nga shumica e politikan\u00ebve dhe e ekonomist\u00ebve per\u00ebndimor\u00eb dhe nga shum\u00eb akademik\u00eb ishin tep\u00ebr euforike.<\/p>\n

Shpresat dhe parashikimet mbizot\u00ebruese mbi tranzicionin postkomunist kan\u00eb qen\u00eb, p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetura n\u00eb supozimin naiv se institucionet demokratik\u00eb dhe ata t\u00eb tregut t\u00eb lir\u00eb do t\u00eb ishin leht\u00ebsisht t\u00eb eksportuesh\u00ebm si nj\u00eb \u201cmodel\u201d dhe t\u00eb transplantuesh\u00ebm nj\u00eblloj n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shtetet ish-komunist\u00eb dhe se procesi i tranzicionit n\u00eb k\u00ebta vende do t\u00eb zgjaste vet\u00ebm rreth pes\u00eb vite ose di\u00e7ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, kushtet dhe rrethanat specifike t\u00eb \u00e7do vendi nuk u mor\u00ebn sa duhet parasysh, \u00e7ka ushqeu besimin naiv se ajo \u00e7ka i shkonte p\u00ebr shtat Polonis\u00eb ose Hungaris\u00eb, do u shkonte nj\u00eblloj p\u00ebr shtat edhe vendeve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij rajoni. Koha provoi se asnj\u00ebri nga k\u00ebta skenar\u00eb nuk u realizua. D\u00ebshtimin e k\u00ebtyre supozimeve, shpresave dhe iluzioneve euforike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit dhe t\u00eb vet\u00eb popujve europianolindor\u00eb e ka pohuar, m\u00eb qart\u00eb se kushdo, i ndjeri Zbigniew Brzezinski, i cili, qysh n\u00eb vitin 1995, shkruante: \u201cNe e kemi mbivler\u00ebsuar ritmin e tranzicionit postkomunist. Fillimisht u prir\u00ebm t\u00eb supozojm\u00eb se disa modifikime, kryesisht t\u00eb karakterit ekonomik, q\u00eb do t\u00eb inicionin nj\u00eb ekonomi t\u00eb lir\u00eb tregu, do t\u00eb krijonin jo vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb treg t\u00eb lir\u00eb e t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm, por edhe nj\u00eb demokraci funksionale. Tashm\u00eb, ne e dim\u00eb se k\u00ebta dy procese jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb kompleks\u00eb nga sa supozuam fillimisht dhe se demokratizimi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb transformim ekonomik i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb do t\u00eb zgjasin ndoshta po aq sa zgjati edhe faza ideologjikisht e motivuar e vet\u00eb rendit komunist\u201d. \/ bota.al<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Prof. Fatos Tarifa Gjat\u00eb 30 viteve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar shum\u00eb mbi pro\u00e7esin e tranzicionit postkomunist n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Ky subjekt \u00ebsht\u00eb trajtuar nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. Disa autor\u00eb kan\u00eb studjuar reformimin ekonomik t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare, t\u00eb tjer\u00eb jan\u00eb fokusuar n\u00eb transformimin politik t\u00eb saj, disa e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar v\u00ebmendjen n\u00eb transformimin e institucioneve t\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":6499,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9,4],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nPse tranzicioni demokratik na ka zhg\u00ebnjyer? - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=17731\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Pse tranzicioni demokratik na ka zhg\u00ebnjyer? - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nga Prof. Fatos Tarifa Gjat\u00eb 30 viteve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar shum\u00eb mbi pro\u00e7esin e tranzicionit postkomunist n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Ky subjekt \u00ebsht\u00eb trajtuar nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. 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