{"id":17632,"date":"2019-10-01T21:03:37","date_gmt":"2019-10-01T19:03:37","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=17632"},"modified":"2019-10-01T21:03:37","modified_gmt":"2019-10-01T19:03:37","slug":"a-po-e-ringjall-intereneti-autoritarizmin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=17632","title":{"rendered":"A po e ringjall intereneti autoritarizmin?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Nga Juan Ortiz Freuler<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit, ndikimi potencialisht i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm i internetit, dhe sidomos i mediave sociale mbi demokracin\u00eb, ka dominuar gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb lajmet. Nj\u00eb e-mail i rrjedhur nga kompania Facebook koh\u00ebt e fundit, q\u00eb zbuloi se punonj\u00ebsit i lejonin kompanit\u00eb partnere t\u00eb mbledhin t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e p\u00ebrdoruesve p\u00ebr nj\u00eb tarif\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar, jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb nj\u00eb linj\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb skandalesh p\u00ebrreth platformave t\u00eb mediave sociale.<\/span><\/p>\n

Facebook, \u00ebsht\u00eb akuzuar gjithashtu s\u00eb bashku me Twitter, p\u00ebr nxitjen e p\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb informacionit t\u00eb rrem\u00eb. N\u00eb tetor, gazeta braziliane \u201cFolha\u201d, d\u00ebshmoi se si kandidatura e Xhair Bolsonaros p\u00ebrfitoi nga nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb e koordinuar e dezinformimit, e realizuar p\u00ebrmes Whatsapp, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pron\u00ebsi t\u00eb Facebook.<\/p>\n

Dhe ka shqet\u00ebsime n\u00eb rritje, se kjo taktik\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr t\u00eb deformuar zgjedhjet parlamentare n\u00eb Indi n\u00eb prillin e vitit q\u00eb vjen. Duke pasur parasysh k\u00ebto zbulime alarmante, \u00ebsht\u00eb e leht\u00eb t\u00eb mos lihen m\u00ebnjan\u00eb m\u00ebnyrat, p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilat vet\u00eb interneti luan nj\u00eb rol n\u00eb forcimin e demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo i lejon qytetar\u00ebt t\u00eb mobilizohen n\u00eb shtete autoritare, po aq sa edhe n\u00eb demokraci t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme. Duke e zhdukur hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn fizike, dhe duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb akses shum\u00eb njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb komunikimin global, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i efektsh\u00ebm n\u00eb lejimin e grupeve q\u00eb t\u00eb ndajn\u00eb historit\u00eb e tyre, t\u00eb eksplorojn\u00eb identitetet e tyre, dhe t\u00eb zbulojn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb pak\u00ebndshme rreth dinamik\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrmes rrjetit, grupet e pafavorizuara kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb tejkalojn\u00eb filtrin e medias, q\u00eb e paraqitnin gjendjen e tyre si nj\u00eb koleksion rastesh t\u00eb izoluara, dhe q\u00eb zbulonin natyr\u00ebn sistematike t\u00eb diskriminimit me t\u00eb cilin p\u00ebrballeshin. Kuptohet, ekziston nj\u00eb mospajtim i konsideruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb lidhje me balanc\u00ebn neto, gjer\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe proceset themelore, q\u00eb ushqejn\u00eb ndikimin e internetit n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

Por un\u00eb kam identifikuar 3 grupime konkurruese:\u201d negacionist\u00ebt\u201d, \u201cnarrativist\u00ebt\u201d dhe \u201carkitekturalist\u00ebt\u201d. Negacionist\u00ebt (mohuesit), e mohojn\u00eb q\u00eb interneti \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr problemet q\u00eb shohim sot n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Ata besojn\u00eb se interneti ,\u00ebsht\u00eb po aq neutral sa edhe nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb. Dhe n\u00ebse njer\u00ebzit nuk e p\u00eblqejn\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb po prodhon interneti, duhet t\u00eb hedhin m\u00eb mir\u00eb syt\u00eb tek pabarazia e madhe q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrhapur n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e tyre.<\/p>\n

Ata thon\u00eb se n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb n\u00eb rrjet, ku njer\u00ebzit mund t\u00eb koordinohen \u00a0leht\u00ebsisht, toleranca ndaj padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e vog\u00ebl, dhe shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb tona t\u00eb padrejta nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme. Ashtu si shtypi q\u00eb medohet se ka ndikuar n\u00eb r\u00ebnien e feudalizmit, edhe autostrada e sotme e informacionit thjesht po b\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme padrejt\u00ebsit\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Interneti i lejon njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb b\u00ebhen bashk\u00eb, dhe t\u00eb luftojn\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsit\u00eb. Shkurtimisht, mesazhi i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb ne duhet t\u00eb rregullojm\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, jo internetin. Ky kamp, p\u00ebrfshin shum\u00eb analist\u00eb t\u00eb medias q\u00eb mbuluan Pranver\u00ebn Arabe. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb narrativist\u00ebt pohojn\u00eb se bashk\u00ebpunimi social, k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb narrativ\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt dhe se interneti \u2013 ku mij\u00ebra z\u00ebra jan\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kaotike \u2013 e minon k\u00ebt\u00eb synim.<\/p>\n

Ata theksojn\u00eb se mikro-targetimi i reklamave politike, i mund\u00ebson kandidat\u00ebve politik\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapin mesazhe t\u00eb ndryshme, dhe shpesh kontradiktore, tek njer\u00ebz t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. Narrativist\u00ebt gjithashtu theksojn\u00eb se koordinimi i madh i mund\u00ebsuar nga interneti, i ka d\u00ebmtuar agjent\u00ebt tradicionale t\u00eb pushtetit, si partit\u00eb politike dhe sindikatat, dhe ka ushqyer mij\u00ebra grupe interesash t\u00eb ngushta. Dikur, argumentojn\u00eb ata, agjent\u00ebt tradicionale t\u00eb pushtetit do t\u00eb punonin p\u00ebr krijimin e nj\u00eb platforme q\u00eb mund t\u00eb organizonte vazhdimisht nj\u00eb mori idesh dhe k\u00ebrkesash.<\/p>\n

Sot, interneti po nxit nj\u00eb sistem kaotik t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve politike, ku udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit mund t\u00eb premtojn\u00eb t\u00eb kujdesen p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gam\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb grupesh interesi, pa shpjeguar se si secili premtim p\u00ebrshtatet brenda nj\u00eb kuadri m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb mendimit. Ky kamp, p\u00ebrfshin shum\u00eb nga mediat tradicionale, t\u00eb cilat mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb argumentet e paraqitura nga ekspert\u00ebt nga universitetet kryesore n\u00eb Britani dhe SHBA.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb arkitekturalist\u00ebt, pohojn\u00eb se interneti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb fikse, dhe se ajo q\u00eb po shkakton ankthet e sotme, mund t\u00eb gjurmohet n\u00eb zhvillime relativisht t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb arkitektur\u00ebn e internetit. Ata argumentojn\u00eb se dizajni origjinal i internetit, krijoi stimuj q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u2019i kushtojn\u00eb v\u00ebmendje cil\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes q\u00eb krijojn\u00eb dhe ndajn\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fillimet e tij, interneti nuk kishte rojtar\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb treg t\u00eb hapur idesh, t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb organike t\u00eb tentonin t\u00eb promovonin t\u00eb mir\u00ebn mbi p\u00ebrmbajtjen e keqe. P\u00ebrkundrazi, modeli i t\u00eb ardhurave t\u00eb bazuara tek reklamat, i ndjekur nga shum\u00eb gjigant\u00eb modern\u00eb t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb, nxit angazhimin ndaj p\u00ebrmbajtjeve q\u00eb jan\u00eb sensacionale, por jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb nj\u00eb cil\u00ebsie\u00a0t\u00eb mir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kush ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb? Secili prej tre kampeve ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e vog\u00ebl e kompanive private, kontrollojn\u00eb informacionin q\u00eb nevojitet, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se si funksionon ekosistemi online. Ata menaxhojn\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebn kryesore, dhe shumica e ekspert\u00ebve n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00eb po e drejtojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb, pasi kan\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr t\u2019u mos-zbulim.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, alegoria e Platonit me Shpell\u00ebn, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb metafor\u00eb m\u00eb e p\u00ebrshtatshme. Kontrolli mbi t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat kryesore, i lejon k\u00ebto kompani t\u00eb luajn\u00eb rolin e padronit-hije. Ata kan\u00eb shansin t\u00eb zbulojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebt e realitetit, q\u00eb ata gjejn\u00eb se jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme, duke p\u00ebrcaktuar se si publiku i gjer\u00eb e percepton hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn n\u00eb internet.<\/p>\n

Reduktimi i informacionit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pra vet\u00ebm pasoj\u00eb e natyrshme e novacionit t\u00eb internetit. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb krijuar artificialisht, dhe p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime strategjike:T\u00eb form\u00ebsoj\u00eb opinionin publik. A duhet t\u2019i\u00a0disiplinojm\u00eb k\u00ebto kompani t\u00eb m\u00ebdha? Apo t\u00eb mos b\u00ebjm\u00eb asgj\u00eb? \u00c7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb rezultat i nj\u00eb debati t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm publik.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb debat q\u00eb t\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb provat m\u00eb t\u00eb mira n\u00eb dispozicion, lidhur me efektet q\u00eb interneti ka n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e pushtetit. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, ne kemi nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr informacione ky\u00e7e q\u00eb duhen zbuluar, dhe q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion p\u00ebr shqyrtim publik. Por informacioni \u00ebsht\u00eb pushtet \u2013 dhe nuk ka gjasa t\u00eb zbulohet vullnetarisht. Kjo mund t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb nj\u00eb rregullim ligjor.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb kemi, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hendek n\u00eb rritje mes vendit ku shtrihet pushteti, dhe atij ku veprojn\u00eb institucionet q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb ta mbajn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb ndaj njer\u00ebzve. Institucione t\u00eb tilla, nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e zgjedhur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb demokratike, t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushin premtimet e tyre p\u00ebr fushat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo tek e fundit q\u00eb ajo shkakton tensione shoq\u00ebrore, dhe minon besimin n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb tona. Ne kemi nevoj\u00eb q\u00eb institucionet tona, t\u2019i interpretojn\u00eb k\u00ebto tensione si \u201cflamuj t\u00eb kuq\u201d, \u00a0dhe si nj\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr nevoj\u00ebn e nj\u00eb kontrat\u00eb t\u00eb re shoq\u00ebrore. Dhe ne kemi nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr institucione q\u00eb t\u00eb reagojn\u00eb tani.<\/p>\n

Kjo situat\u00eb, shkon shum\u00eb larg debatit rreth digjitalizimit. Megjithat\u00eb, hap\u00ebsira n\u00eb internet \u00ebsht\u00eb e ardhmja jon\u00eb, ndaj ky boshll\u00ebk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i dukshmi dhe urgjenti. N\u00ebse institucionet tona aktuale t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, nuk arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb q\u00eb revolucioni i vazhduesh\u00ebm teknologjik t\u2019i vendos\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb par\u00ebt, k\u00ebto institucione her\u00ebt a von\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhen t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.\/Bota.al<\/p>\n

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