Nga Bruno Ma\u00e7aes<\/p>\n
Brexit, i par\u00eb nga Evropa, duket si p\u00ebr shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz nj\u00eb rr\u00ebmuj\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht britanike. Por, sikur rr\u00ebmujaxhinjt\u00eb t\u00eb jemi ne? \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ide jo shum\u00eb popullore n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb an\u00eb t\u00eb Kanalit. Por ng\u00ebr\u00e7i ku ka hyr\u00eb Brexit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb faji i kryeministres britanik Tereza Mej.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrkundrazi, \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb procesi i negocimit, ai q\u00eb krijoi kushtet p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb d\u00ebshtim \u2013 dhe faji p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb para s\u00eb gjithash i Brukselit. Bisedimet e Brexit ishin t\u00eb keq-p\u00ebrgatitura q\u00eb nga fillimi \u2013 di\u00e7ka q\u00eb ndodh shpesh, kur ua ngarkon k\u00ebt\u00eb detyr\u00eb burokrat\u00ebve.<\/p>\n
BE-ja refuzoi t\u00eb diskutonte natyr\u00ebn e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb saj t\u00eb ardhshme me Britanin\u00eb e Madhe, n\u00ebse Londra nuk binte dakord q\u00eb t\u00eb mos kishte ndonj\u00eb kufizim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb n\u00eb kufirin midis Irland\u00ebs dhe Irland\u00ebs s\u00eb Veriut. Ishte pik\u00ebrisht vendimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufirit irlandez n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb negociatave, ai q\u00eb siguroi mosb\u00ebrritjen asnj\u00ebher\u00eb tek faza e dyt\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Kan\u00eb kaluar 30 muaj, q\u00eb kur Britania e Madhe evokoi nenin 50. Dhe ne vet\u00ebm sa kemi cekur pjes\u00ebn e negociatave, q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me termat e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb ardhshme \u2013 pjes\u00eb e diskutimeve, q\u00eb n\u00eb fund do t\u00eb vendos\u00eb statusin e kufirit q\u00eb ndan BE-n\u00eb dhe Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar.<\/p>\n
Tek e fundit, faza e par\u00eb sillej rreth 3 \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve mbi t\u00eb cilat duhej vendosur n\u00eb parim, dhe jo bazuar tek \u200b\u200bpragmatizmi. A do t\u00eb na duhet nj\u00eb kufi i ashp\u00ebr, nj\u00eb kufi i leht\u00eb, apo gati asnj\u00eb kufi? Kjo varet nga marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia e ardhshme. N\u00ebse ky proces ishte logjik, statusi i nj\u00eb segmenti t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb kufirit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb me Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar, sado i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb dhe jetik q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb, do t\u00eb diskutohet gjat\u00eb bisedimeve mbi marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse \u2013 ku do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen edhe \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha si tregtia dhe siguria e jashtme.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr nga m\u00ebnyra se si \u00ebsht\u00eb hartuar procesi \u2013 p\u00ebrfshirja e kufirit irlandez n\u00eb mesin e 3 temave kryesore, mbi t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb negociohet p\u00ebrpara se Britania t\u00eb largohet zyrtarisht nga blloku m\u00eb 29 mars \u2013 duket se q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje, mbi nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb efektivisht nuk u lejohej ta diskutonin.<\/p>\n
Ekzistojn\u00eb kaq shum\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje \u2013 p\u00ebr shembull, cila do t\u00eb jet\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia tregtare e Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Bashkuar me BE-n\u00eb pas Brexit? \u2013 q\u00eb varen mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufirit irlandez. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7udi q\u00eb ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb ende e pazgjidhur. At\u00ebher\u00eb, pse u p\u00ebrfshi n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb diskutimeve?<\/p>\n
Brukseli mendoi q\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi n\u00eb procesin e negocimit, britanik\u00ebt duhej t\u2019ia fillonin nga nj\u00eb rezolut\u00eb e fort\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nderuar angazhimet e tyre.<\/p>\n
Para se diskutimi t\u00eb kthehej tek peshkimi, djathi dhe sh\u00ebrbimet bankare, Brukseli vendosi se duhej t\u00eb sundonte parimi moral. Britania, vijonte arsyetimi, duhej s\u00eb pari t\u00eb binte dakord t\u00eb paguante parat\u00eb q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb kontribuonte n\u00eb ark\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb, t\u00eb siguronte t\u00eb drejtat e qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb jetonin n\u00eb Britani, dhe t\u00eb respektonte pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb legjitime t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruesve t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb t\u00eb Premtes s\u00eb Mir\u00eb, q\u00eb i dha fund \u201cTrazirave\u201d n\u00eb Irland\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Kishte gjithashtu nj\u00eb arsye praktike pse Evropa donte q\u00eb s\u00eb pari t\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohej n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet parimore:Kjo rriste gjasat, q\u00eb vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndronin t\u00eb bashkuara. Dhe kjo ka funksionuar. P\u00ebrqendrimi i debatit rreth garancis\u00eb q\u00eb Britania e Madhe t\u00eb vepronte me mir\u00ebbesim, ndihmoi n\u00eb forcimin e asaj q\u00eb doli t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb front i bashkuar midis BE27.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, duke pasur parasysh gjendjen e negociatave, ky mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin BE-ja mund t\u00eb pendohet. Por Brukseli nuk mund ta kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, pa ndihm\u00ebn e kryeministres britanike.<\/p>\n
D\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb rezistuar mjaftuesh\u00ebm diskutimit n\u00eb lidhje me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufirit irlandez, ishte gabimi tragjik i Tereza Mej \u2013 nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do t\u00eb ket\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u2019u ulur n\u00eb vitet n\u00eb vijim. Heqja e pyetjes irlandeze nga faza e par\u00eb e bisedimeve, do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb edhe n\u00eb interesin e vet\u00eb BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, ajo i udh\u00ebzoi negociator\u00ebt e saj q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7anin frontin e bashkuar t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, duke u p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb fusnin element\u00eb nga faza e dyt\u00eb e negociatave. Ky ishte nj\u00eb gabim i madh.<\/p>\n
Interesi i saj \u2013 dhe ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb edhe interesi i vendit \u2013 ishte ngadal\u00ebsimi dhe jo p\u00ebrshpejtimi i gj\u00ebrave.<\/p>\n
Mej do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte aktin e par\u00eb. T\u00eb hidhte hapat nj\u00ebri pas tjetrit, duke e p\u00ebrfunduar Marr\u00ebveshjen e T\u00ebrheqjes n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e duhur \u2013 ndoshta edhe p\u00ebrpara afatit \u2013 dhe me prestigjin e saj t\u00eb paprekur, ajo mund t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte mbajtjen e zgjedhjeve t\u00eb reja n\u00eb vend.<\/p>\n
Duke mbajtur premtimin e saj p\u00ebr ta nxjerr\u00eb Britanin\u00eb nga BE-ja, askush nuk do t\u00eb dyshonte qoft\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb minut\u00eb, n\u00ebse ajo ishte personi i duhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar, n\u00eb nj\u00eb partneritet t\u00eb ri me bllokun. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb, kryeministrja kishte nevoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gj\u00eb: T\u00eb hiqte \u00e7\u00ebshtjen irlandeze nga fush\u00ebveprimi i Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb T\u00ebrheqjes.<\/p>\n
Ajo duhet t\u00eb kishte investuar n\u00eb at\u00eb detyr\u00eb specifike, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kapitalin e saj politik, dhe aft\u00ebsit\u00eb e diplomat\u00ebve t\u00eb saj t\u00eb kalitur. Ky do t\u00eb qe nj\u00eb objektiv i arritsh\u00ebm. Heqja e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes irlandeze nga faza e par\u00eb e bisedimeve, do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb edhe n\u00eb interesat e BE-s\u00eb. Pse?<\/p>\n
Sepse, pavar\u00ebsisht shfaqjes s\u00eb unitetit dhe k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguljes se Evropa do t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e fort\u00eb se kurr\u00eb, blloku gjendet vet\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb delikate. Brexit ka rreziqe financiare, t\u00eb cilat Brukseli vazhdon t\u2019i injoroj\u00eb me kok\u00ebfort\u00ebsi:Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrqindje e shp\u00ebrpjes\u00ebtuar e sh\u00ebrbimeve financiare q\u00eb kompanit\u00eb firmat e BE-s\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb menaxhojn\u00eb rrezikun e listimit n\u00eb Burs\u00ebn e Londr\u00ebs, dhe kjo e fundit do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb vendi ku duhet t\u00eb bihen k\u00ebto sh\u00ebrbime.<\/p>\n
Ka nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb edhe rreziqe politike dhe t\u00eb reputacionit. Teksa procesi i negociatave shp\u00ebrb\u00ebhet, pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e bot\u00ebs do t\u2019i kthehet Brukselit p\u00ebr ta pyetur pse edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb BE-ja duket e paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb dhe efikase t\u00eb problemeve t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n
Tek e fundit, pavar\u00ebsisht BE-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga 27 ose 28 shtete, Brukseli s\u2019mund t\u2019u ik\u00eb problemeve q\u00eb ka. Aktualisht, ekziston nj\u00eb rrezik shum\u00eb i madh, q\u00eb klubi n\u00eb fakt t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga 27 an\u00ebtar\u00eb e gjysm\u00eb. P\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb. Unioni mund t\u00eb rezistoj\u00eb, por do t\u00eb ishte dob\u00ebsuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb serioze. Fatmir\u00ebsisht, ekziston nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb:Kthehuni te bordi i hartimit t\u00eb paktit, dhe deklaroni q\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshja e T\u00ebrheqjes p\u00ebrfundoi me sukses \u2013 pa \u00e7\u00ebshtjen irlandeze.<\/p>\n
Sh\u00ebnim: Bruno Ma\u00e7aes, nj\u00eb ish-minist\u00ebr i Evrop\u00ebs p\u00ebr Portugalin\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar i Institutit Hadson n\u00eb Uashington. Libri i tij \u201cAgimi i Euroazis\u00eb\u201d ka dal\u00eb n\u00eb qarkullim k\u00ebt\u00eb muaj.<\/p>\n
Politico.eu \u2013 Bota.al<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Nga Bruno Ma\u00e7aes Brexit, i par\u00eb nga Evropa, duket si p\u00ebr shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz nj\u00eb rr\u00ebmuj\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht britanike. Por, sikur rr\u00ebmujaxhinjt\u00eb t\u00eb jemi ne? \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ide jo shum\u00eb popullore n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb an\u00eb t\u00eb Kanalit. Por ng\u00ebr\u00e7i ku ka hyr\u00eb Brexit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb faji i kryeministres britanik Tereza Mej. P\u00ebrkundrazi, \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb procesi i negocimit, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1678,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[6,9,4,5],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\n