{"id":11827,"date":"2019-05-15T19:47:18","date_gmt":"2019-05-15T17:47:18","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827"},"modified":"2019-05-15T19:47:18","modified_gmt":"2019-05-15T17:47:18","slug":"demokracia-qeverisja-dhuna","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827","title":{"rendered":"Demokracia, qeverisja, dhuna"},"content":{"rendered":"

Prof. Fatos Tarifa<\/strong><\/p>\n

Gjendja e sotme politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb s\u00ebrish nj\u00eb\u00a0katrahur\u00eb<\/em>. Nj\u00eb gjendje sa\u00a0absurde<\/em>, aq edhe, n\u00eb dukje,\u00a0e pashpres\u00eb<\/em>. Kjo gjendje t\u00eb kujton vitet 1996-98, si edhe vitet m\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt 2011 dhe 2017. Pavar\u00ebsisht se zhvillimet apo ngjarjet e muajve t\u00eb fundit nuk jan\u00eb nj\u00eb\u00a0replica<\/em>\u00a0e ngjarjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme, ato kan\u00eb nj\u00eb shkak t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt\u2014dob\u00ebsin\u00eb e rendit demokratik dhe derivatet e tij: shkall\u00ebn e lart\u00eb t\u00eb korrupsionit, krimin e organizuar dhe nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb mosnd\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebrie t\u00eb habitshme, e cila gjeneron vazhdimisht korrupsion dhe krim.<\/p>\n

Jo armiq, por rival\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Konflikti politik mes opozit\u00ebs dhe qeveris\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb po afrojn\u00eb zgjedhjet lokale, ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb pa krye, ku e vetmja alternativ\u00eb e mundshme\u00a0duket<\/em>\u00a0se \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrplasja e dhunshme mes tyre, si\u00e7 kemi par\u00eb t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb muajt fundit. Asnj\u00ebra nga pal\u00ebt nuk epet. Asnj\u00ebra pal\u00eb nuk e d\u00ebgjon tjetr\u00ebn, madje as nuk e sheh si nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb ulet me pal\u00ebn kund\u00ebrshtare n\u00eb nj\u00eb tryez\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt dialogu habermasian. Asnj\u00ebra pal\u00eb nuk t\u00ebrhiqet nga transheja e vet.<\/p>\n

Duket se jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cgjendje lufte\u201d, ku pala kund\u00ebrshtare nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rivali yt, por armiku yt<\/em>. Konflikti ka marr\u00eb trajt\u00ebn e nj\u00eb lufte politike p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00eb \u201ca vdekje\u201d! P\u00ebr\u00a0mbijetes\u00ebn e ligjshme<\/em>apo\u00a0rr\u00ebzimin me dhun\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paligjshme,<\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb aktuale, ekzistenca dhe veprimtaria e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira, por edhe p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn apo asgj\u00ebsimin e opozit\u00ebs aktuale, ekzistenca dhe veprimtaria e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs kan\u00eb ardhur n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb ku, nga kjo p\u00ebrleshje, ajo nuk mund t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb shum\u00eb, por mund t\u00eb humbas\u00eb shum\u00eb\u00e7ka.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes opozit\u00ebs dhe qeveris\u00eb, n\u00eb qorrsokakun ku ato kan\u00eb hyr\u00eb qysh nga fillimi i k\u00ebtij viti, do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb n\u00ebse demokracia e brisht\u00eb shqiptare do t\u00eb njoh\u00eb nj\u00eb kthes\u00eb tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb madhe prapa, apo n\u00ebse ajo do t\u00eb avancoj\u00eb drejt konsolidimit t\u00eb saj. P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Sali Berisha vazhdon ta t\u00ebrheq\u00eb p\u00ebr hund\u00ebsh, jan\u00eb shprehur hapur madje se, p\u00ebr ta, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb luft\u00eb me qeverin\u00eb e Edi Ram\u00ebs (s\u00eb cil\u00ebs s\u2019ka mbetur epitet pa i v\u00ebn\u00eb), nuk ka kthim prapa.<\/p>\n

A do t\u00eb \u201cvdes\u00eb\u201d opozita n\u00eb \u201cshesh t\u00eb burrave\u201d, apo ajo do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqet nga kjo form\u00eb lufte p\u00ebr t\u2019u riorganizuar e p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fitore elektorale t\u00eb ardhshme?<\/p>\n

Legjitimiteti si atribut dhe retorik\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Secila pal\u00eb, kryefjal\u00eb t\u00eb retorik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj ka\u00a0legjitimitetin<\/em>\u00a0politik, pra t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn dhe autoritetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur vendin. Legjitimiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb ai koncept baz\u00eb, mbi t\u00eb cilin mb\u00ebshteten\u2014dhe p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilit justifikohen\u2014pretendimet e \u00e7do partie politike e t\u00eb \u00e7do drejtuesi shteti p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur vendin. P\u00ebr Weber-in, si\u00e7 dihet, legjitimiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo cil\u00ebsi q\u00eb e konverton pushtetin (Macht<\/em>) n\u00eb autoritet (Herrschaft<\/em>) dhe, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, krijon si \u201cobligimin p\u00ebr t\u2019u bindur\u201d, ashtu dhe \u201ct\u00eb drejt\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb sunduar\u201d. N\u00eb vija m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme, legjitimiteti n\u00ebnkupton\u00a0konsensusin popullor<\/em>, i cili gjen shprehjen e vet n\u00eb procesin e zgjedhjeve t\u00eb lira.<\/p>\n

Qeveria e z. Rama insiston se ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht legjitime, ngaq\u00eb Partia Socialiste fitoi shumic\u00ebn e votave n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2017 dhe, k\u00ebsisoj, g\u00ebzon t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn legjitime t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb vendin. Partit\u00eb opozitare, q\u00eb tashm\u00eb e kan\u00eb braktisur parlamentin dhe \u201cbetej\u00ebn\u201d e tyre politike e zhvillojn\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, pretendojn\u00eb se Partia Socialiste mbeti n\u00eb pushtet me votat e vjedhura t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, qeveria socialiste \u00ebsht\u00eb ilegjitime.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb duash ta shpjegosh k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb duke iu referuar teoris\u00eb mbi demokracin\u00eb. Gjithsesi, kjo teori, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht koncepti weberian mbi legjitimitetin, i aplikuar p\u00ebr format postdiktatoriale t\u00eb qeverisjes, ndihmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se e v\u00ebrteta, n\u00eb nj\u00eb konflik politik si ky q\u00eb p\u00ebrjetojm\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e sotme, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e s\u2019mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb an\u00ebn e nj\u00ebr\u00ebs pal\u00eb, edhe pse nj\u00ebra pal\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb sesa tjetra.<\/p>\n

Fjala ky\u00e7 n\u00eb teorin\u00eb mbi demokracin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0e drejta e barabart\u00eb<\/em>\u00a0e qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb\u00a0procesi elektoral<\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb rregullt, pa frik\u00eb, t\u00eb paintimiduar dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb, t\u00eb zgjedhin p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e tyre n\u00eb organin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebs, si dhe n\u00eb organet e qeverisjes lokale. Parlamenti q\u00eb formohet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, mbi baz\u00ebn e vullnetit t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedh\u00ebsve, i jep mandat nj\u00eb qeverie t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs dhe e legjitimon at\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb drejtoj\u00eb pun\u00ebt e shtetit, n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me interesat komb\u00ebtare dhe me programin politik t\u00eb partis\u00eb apo t\u00eb partive politike q\u00eb ka(n\u00eb) marr\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e votave, por duke respektuar t\u00eb drejtat e partive n\u00eb pakic\u00eb dhe t\u00eb elektoratit q\u00eb ato p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, sovraniteti i popullit p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur interesat e veta e p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur mbi fatet e vendit i besohet k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb qeverie q\u00eb formohet nga partia, ose partit\u00eb q\u00eb ka(n\u00eb) fituar shumic\u00ebn e votave n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0parakushti<\/em>\u00a0i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kushteve q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem demokratik\u00a0p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0legjitim<\/em>. Si\u00e7 v\u00eb n\u00eb dukje Adam Przeworski, \u201cdemokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin partit\u00eb humbasin zgjedhjet. Ka parti: ndarje interesash, vlerash dhe opinionesh. Ka konkurrenc\u00eb t\u00eb organizuar mbi baz\u00eb rregullash. Ka edhe fitues dhe t\u00eb humbur periodik\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Procesi elektoral<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pretendimet e opozit\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb mohuar karakterin legjitim t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb socialiste jan\u00eb dy:\u00a0procesi elektoral\u00a0<\/em>i parregullt, q\u00eb i mbajti socialist\u00ebt n\u00eb pushtet pas kat\u00ebr vitesh qeverisjeje, dhe\u00a0m\u00ebnyra e qeverisjes<\/em>\u00a0s\u00eb tyre. P\u00ebr opozit\u00ebn, procesi elektoral, i ndikuar nga \u201cparat\u00eb e drog\u00ebs\u201d dhe krimi, nuk mundi t\u00eb garantonte zgjedhjen e lir\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb popullit sipas vullnetit t\u00eb tij dhe,\u00a0ipso facto<\/em>, \u00e7oi n\u00eb formimin e nj\u00eb parlamenti me nj\u00eb legjitimitet t\u00eb dyshimt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb qeverie ilegjitime.<\/p>\n

Socialist\u00ebt, me t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast bashkohet edhe autori i k\u00ebtyre radh\u00ebve, k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulin se zgjedhjet e vitit 2017 ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb mirat q\u00eb jan\u00eb organizuar n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri deri m\u00eb sot dhe, p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, u vler\u00ebsuan si t\u00eb tilla thuajse nga kushdo. Ato, madje, nuk u kontestuan as nga partit\u00eb opozitare, edhe pse, p\u00ebr vet\u00eb k\u00ebto parti, zgjedhjet e atij viti sh\u00ebnuan nj\u00eb disfat\u00eb politike t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Partit\u00eb opozitare kryesore (Partia Demokratike dhe L\u00ebvizja Socialiste p\u00ebr Integrim\u2014sepse \u201cpartit\u00eb\u201d e tjera, q\u00eb sot jan\u00eb n\u00eb opozit\u00eb, v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se meritojn\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebsohen parti politike; ato jan\u00eb parti-kryetar, parti-familje, parti-fantazm\u00eb, parti pa ide, parti pa program, parti pa an\u00ebtar\u00eb)\u2014pra dy partit\u00eb kryesore t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs, pretendojn\u00eb se farsa elektorale q\u00eb u luajt n\u00eb zgjedhjet e 2017-\u00ebs u kuptua prej tyre m\u00eb von\u00eb, kur, sipas tyre, u b\u00eb e qart\u00eb se, n\u00eb disa zona elektorale, shitblerja e vot\u00ebs e kishte deformuar procesin elektoral.<\/p>\n

Thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruara nga disfata e tyre, disi t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ara, t\u00eb braktisura nga nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e elektoratit t\u00eb tyre dhe pa nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb shpres\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebse p\u00ebr t\u2019i kompakt\u00ebsuar radh\u00ebt e tyre p\u00ebr fitoren e ardhshme elektorale, partit\u00eb opozitare ngrit\u00ebn alibin\u00eb e humbjes n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2017: Rama i vodhi zgjedhjet dhe duhet t\u00eb ik\u00eb. Qeveria duhet t\u00eb bjer\u00eb! Duhen b\u00ebr\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakoh\u00ebshme, t\u00eb organizuara nga nj\u00eb qeveri tranzitore! Sikur nj\u00eb qeveri tranzitore, q\u00eb me \u00e7do gjas\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e mir\u00eb sesa qeverit\u00eb q\u00eb kemi njohur deri m\u00eb sot, p\u00ebrderisa ajo do t\u00eb krijohet nga po t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebt drejtues t\u00eb partive politike, t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb zgjidhje gati hyjnore p\u00ebr problemet tona dhe t\u00eb garantone rregullsi absolute n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme.<\/p>\n

\u201cRama ik!\u201d u b\u00eb dhe mbetet k\u00ebrkesa kryesore e q\u00ebndrimit dhe e aksionit politik t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs, fillimisht n\u00eb parlament dhe, m\u00eb pas, jasht\u00eb tij, n\u00eb protesta t\u00eb shumta e jo pak her\u00eb t\u00eb dhunshme. \u201cDuam zgjedhje t\u00eb reja lokale e parlamentare me nj\u00eb qeveri pa Edi Ram\u00ebn!\u201d.<\/p>\n

Rregullat e loj\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n

Le ta mbajm\u00eb arsyetimin ton\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7ast k\u00ebtu.\u00a0Pa Edi Ram\u00ebn!<\/em><\/p>\n

Por, s\u00eb pari, shtrojm\u00eb pyetjen: A \u00ebsht\u00eb e arsyeshme, e drejt\u00eb dhe e legjitimuar k\u00ebrkesa e opozit\u00ebs p\u00ebr zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme parlamentare? Un\u00eb mendoj se jo. Zgjedhjet e p\u00ebrgjithshme periodike jan\u00eb rregulli i par\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do demokraci. T\u00eb k\u00ebrkosh zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme, kur k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk e justifikojn\u00eb rrethanat e koh\u00ebs e t\u00eb vendit, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkosh mosrespektimin dhe prishjen e rregullave t\u00eb loj\u00ebs. Dhe, pa rregulla, nuk ka demokraci.<\/p>\n

Rrethanat e sotme, pavar\u00ebsisht temperatur\u00ebs s\u00eb lart\u00eb politike n\u00eb vend,\u00a0nuk<\/em>\u00a0e justifikojn\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e opozit\u00ebs p\u00ebr zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme, s\u00eb paku p\u00ebr dy arsye: S\u00eb pari, parregullsit\u00eb e procesit elektoral n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2017 nuk ishin nj\u00eb dukuri e re\u2014dhe nuk jan\u00eb nj\u00eb dukuri vet\u00ebm socialiste\u2014dhe as nj\u00eb dukuri e p\u00ebrgjithshme. S\u00eb dyti, \u201cvotat e vjedhura\u201d, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb konstatuar\u00a0post factum<\/em>\u00a0dhe vet\u00ebm n\u00eb pak qarqe, nuk kan\u00eb mundur q\u00eb ta deformojn\u00eb rezultatin p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb atyre zgjedhjeve, t\u00eb cilat Partia Socialiste i fitoi bindsh\u00ebm. Edhe pse votuesit e PS-s\u00eb nuk mor\u00ebn asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb duartrokitje nga drejtuesit e saj, ata, edhe pse n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyer nga praktika qeveris\u00ebse e partis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre, kan\u00eb vazhduar ta mb\u00ebshtesin at\u00eb.<\/p>\n

B\u00ebj p\u00ebrs\u00ebri pyetjen: a kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb partit\u00eb opozitare t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb largimin e kryeministrit aktual nga detyra dhe krijimin e nj\u00eb qeverie tranzitore q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatis\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme?\u00a0N\u00ebse zgjedhjet e parakohshme nuk jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme, at\u00ebher\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme, p\u00ebr arsyet q\u00eb thot\u00eb opozita, as largimi i kryeministrit<\/em>. Nga pik\u00ebpamja legale-racionale, si\u00e7 do t\u00eb argumentonte Max Weber, roli i tij drejtues n\u00eb krye t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb socialiste \u00ebsht\u00eb i legjitimuar. Kryeministri aktual \u00ebsht\u00eb kryetari i Partis\u00eb Socialiste, e cila ka fituar zgjedhjet e p\u00ebrgjithshme dhe ka shumic\u00ebn e vendeve n\u00eb parlament. Rregullat n\u00eb fuqi legjitimojn\u00eb pozit\u00ebn e tij n\u00eb krye t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb. Por, t\u00eb mos harrojm\u00eb, si\u00e7 thoshte G\u00ebte se, nd\u00ebrsa \u201ct\u00eb sundosh \u00ebsht\u00eb e leht\u00eb, t\u00eb drejtosh nj\u00eb qeveri \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

M\u00ebnyra e qeverisjes dhe kritikat p\u00ebr t\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

M\u00eb lejoni t\u00eb sqarohem m\u00eb tej. N\u00ebse argumenti i opozit\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb\u00a0casus omissus<\/em>\u00a0p\u00ebr pretendimet saj mbi karakterin ilegjitim t\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb z. Rama dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e saj q\u00eb ky i fundit t\u00eb dor\u00ebhiqet nga detyra e kryeministrit, opozita ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb\u2014n\u00ebse ka dhe aft\u00ebsin\u00eb\u2014q\u00eb t\u00eb argumentoj\u00eb p\u00ebrse\u00a0m\u00ebnyra e qeverisjes<\/em>\u00a0s\u00eb z. Rama, pra jo q\u00ebnia e tij\u00a0per se<\/em>\u00a0n\u00eb krye t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb,\u00a0mund<\/em>\u00a0ta ket\u00eb delegjitimuar praktik\u00ebn aktuale t\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb tij. Sepse, pavar\u00ebsisht r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb programet q\u00eb i paraqiten elektoratit nga partit\u00eb politike q\u00eb konkurrojn\u00eb t\u00eb marrin rolin drejtues n\u00eb shtet dhe n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, programet n\u00eb vetvete nuk gjenerojn\u00eb legjitimitet p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb q\u00eb formohet pas fitores n\u00eb zgjedhjet.\u00a0Legjitimiteti i nj\u00eb qeverie buron nga praktika aktuale e qeverisjes s\u00eb saj<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Juan Linz dhe Alfred Stepan, dy nd\u00ebr figurat m\u00eb t\u00eb shquara t\u00eb teoris\u00eb mbi demokracin\u00eb, v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje se asnj\u00eb qeveri nuk mund t\u00eb quhet demokratike apo legjitime \u201cn\u00ebse drejtuesit e saj nuk qeverisin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb demokratike\u201d. Sipas tyre, \u201cn\u00eb qoft\u00eb se nj\u00eb ekzekutiv, i zgjedhur lirisht, shkel kushtetut\u00ebn, dhunon t\u00eb drejtat e individ\u00ebve e t\u00eb pakicave, n\u00ebp\u00ebrk\u00ebmb funksionet legjitime t\u00eb legjislativit dhe, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, nuk drejton brenda kuadrit t\u00eb shtetit ligjor, nj\u00eb regjim i till\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb demokraci\u201d.<\/p>\n

A mund t\u00eb thuhet kjo p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb e drejtuar nga z. Rama dhe\u2014p\u00ebrtej sloganeve t\u00eb protestave t\u00eb saj\u2014a ka opozita e sotme mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb ta provoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe, bashk\u00eb me t\u00eb, humbjen ose munges\u00ebn e legjitimitetit t\u00eb saj. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb thelbi i \u00e7\u00ebshtjes dhe ky duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb objekti i kritik\u00ebs dhe i luft\u00ebs politike n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend demokratik. Kjo kritike dhe kjo luft\u00eb b\u00ebhen n\u00eb parlament e jo n\u00eb rrug\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Personalisht mendoj se, pavar\u00ebsisht meritave dhe arritjeve n\u00eb mandatin e par\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb tij, metoda dhe praktika qeveris\u00ebse e z. Rama gjat\u00eb dy viteve t\u00eb fundit ka ngjallur e vazhdon t\u00eb ngjall\u00eb shum\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjime. Natyrisht, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak me vend q\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb karakterizuar sistemin e sot\u00ebm t\u00eb qeverisjes n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim shprehjen oksimoronike \u201cdemokraci autoritariste\u201d (authoritarian democracy<\/em>). Nj\u00eb cil\u00ebsim i till\u00eb do i shkonte fare mir\u00eb p\u00ebr shtat qeverisjes s\u00eb z, Berisha n\u00eb vitet e par\u00eb t\u00eb tranzicionit demokratik. Sidoqoft\u00eb, m\u00ebnyra e qeverisjes s\u00eb z. Rama dhe vet\u00eb ai mund t\u00eb kritikohen n\u00eb shum\u00eb aspekte, q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me\u00a0autoritarizmin<\/em>\u00a0e tij dhe\u00a0munges<\/em>\u00ebn e frym\u00ebs s\u00eb kolegjialiteti<\/em>t n\u00eb qeverisjen e vendit, me\u00a0monopolizimin thuajse t<\/em>\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha funksioneve t\u00eb shtetit<\/em>\u00a0e t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb tij, dhe shum\u00eb her\u00eb me\u00a0mosp\u00ebrfilljen e opinioneve t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm apo t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt<\/em>\u00a0dhe, sidomos, me\u00a0mosd\u00ebgjimin e z\u00ebrave q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur<\/em>, simpatizant\u00eb ose jo t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste, me\u00a0antagonizmin shpesh her\u00eb t<\/em>\u00eb pajustifikuar ndaj opozit\u00ebs dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn konfliktuale n\u00eb komunikimin dhe n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien me t\u00eb<\/em>, me\u00a0pavendosm\u00ebrin<\/em>\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u shkuar deri n\u00eb fund disa prej reformave\u00a0<\/em>shum\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb qeveria e tij ka nisur, me\u00a0munges<\/em>\u00ebn n\u00eb mjaft raste t\u00eb transparenc\u00ebs n\u00eb marrjen e vendimeve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme<\/em>\u00a0q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me interesa jetike t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, pavar\u00ebsisht aparenc\u00ebs dhe narrativ\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur. Z. Rama dhe kushdo tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb merr p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb e madhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtuar pun\u00ebt e shtetit duhet t\u00eb dij\u00eb se\u00a0nj\u00eb drejtues shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo \u00e7far\u00eb ai b\u00ebn, jo ajo \u00e7ka ai thot\u00eb<\/em>.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha sa vura n\u00eb dukje m\u00eb sip\u00ebr dhe p\u00ebr defekte t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb veprimtarin\u00eb e kryeministrit Rama, si\u00e7 i perceptoj un\u00eb\u2014nga pozitat e nj\u00eb sociologu t\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsi t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste\u2014opozita mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb fjal\u00ebn e saj dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb llogari dhe v\u00ebnien para p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb detyra e opozit\u00ebs. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb misioni i saj n\u00eb \u00e7do vend demokratik. Madje, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb detyr\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm e opozit\u00ebs, por edhe e grupit parlamentar t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste q\u00eb e ka vot\u00ebbesuar kabinetin qeveritar t\u00eb z. Rama, si dhe e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb PS-s\u00eb dhe e mas\u00ebs s\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb elektoratit q\u00eb e kan\u00eb votuar at\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Partit\u00eb opozitare nuk kishte asnj\u00eb arsye q\u00eb ta braktisnin parlamentin<\/em>. Edhe pse t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruara dhe pa shum\u00eb shpres\u00eb n\u00eb fitoren elektorale t\u00eb radh\u00ebs, ato mund e duhej t\u00eb kishin q\u00ebndruar n\u00eb parlament p\u00ebr t\u2019ia b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb pun\u00ebn nj\u00eb qeverie, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e konsiderojn\u00eb t\u00eb korruptuar e t\u00eb lidhur me krimin, p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar kredibilitet n\u00eb masat e popullit dhe p\u00ebr ta afruar perspektiv\u00ebn e drejtimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb nga ana e tyre.<\/p>\n

Zgjedhjet dhe legjitimiteti<\/strong><\/p>\n

Linz dhe Stepan s\u00ebrish na kujtojn\u00eb se \u00e7\u00ebshtja e legjitimitetit mund t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb kurdoher\u00eb shum\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi p\u00ebr regjimet jodemokratik\u00eb, por ajo ka nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi teorike dhe politike themelore p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb. M\u00eb sip\u00ebr, un\u00eb e trajtova \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e legjitimitetit t\u00eb lidhur ngusht\u00eb me zgjedhjet e lira, por, p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur \u00e7do keqkuptim, d\u00ebshiroj t\u00eb v\u00eb n\u00eb dukje se, edhe kur arrihet demokratikisht, p\u00ebrmes zgjedhjeve t\u00eb lira,\u00a0legjitimiteti i nj\u00eb sistemi politik, ose i nj\u00eb qeverie, nuk mund t\u00eb konsiderohet i mir\u00ebqen\u00eb, ose t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht dhe p\u00ebrfundimisht i arrir\u00eb vet\u00ebm nga rezultati i zgjedhjeve<\/em>. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb pohim vij n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me raportin mes procesit elektoral dhe zgjedhjeve legjislative, nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, dhe, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, me karakterin legjitim t\u00eb nj\u00eb qeverie t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga k\u00ebto zgjedhje, ose t\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyre t\u00eb caktuar drejtimi t\u00eb shtetit.<\/p>\n

Demokracia nuk mund t\u00eb kuptohet dhe t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb pa zgjedhje t\u00eb lira<\/em>. Sado t\u00eb pap\u00ebrsosura q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb zgjedhjet n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend (dhe zgjedhje t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosura nuk ka pasur askund dhe v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb), ato kan\u00eb nj\u00eb\u00a0efekt pozitiv t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm<\/em>\u00a0p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb,\u00a0edhe pse zgjedhjet jan\u00eb kushti i par\u00eb i demokracis\u00eb, ato nuk jan\u00eb i vetmi kusht<\/em>. P\u00ebrkufizimi i demokracis\u00eb si nj\u00eb form\u00eb qeverisjeje q\u00eb buron nga zgjedhjet e lira \u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb fakt, nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim\u00a0minimalist<\/em>\u00a0dhe\/ose\u00a0procesualist<\/em>, t\u00eb cilin, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb klasike, e ka formuluar Joseph Schumpeter, n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb famshme\u00a0Kapitalizmi, Socializmi dhe Demokracia<\/em>\u00a0(1942). Pasi e p\u00ebrkufizon demokracin\u00eb si \u201cnj\u00eb metod\u00eb politike\u201d dhe si \u201cnj\u00eb tip i caktuar organizimi institucional p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb vendime politike-legjislative dhe administrative\u201d, Schumpeter ofron definicionin e tij t\u00eb njohur mbi \u201cmetod\u00ebn demokratike\u201d, me \u00e7ka ai kupton \u201cat\u00eb organizim institucional p\u00ebr arritjen n\u00eb vendime politike, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin individ\u00ebt [dhe partit\u00eb] vendosin p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb lufte konkurruese p\u00ebr vot\u00ebn e popullit\u201d.<\/p>\n

Sado demokratike e t\u00eb lira t\u00eb jen\u00eb zgjedhjet, ato, n\u00eb asnj\u00eb vend nuk \u201cprodhojn\u00eb\u201d\u00a0imediatisht<\/em>dhe\u00a0domosdoshm\u00ebrisht<\/em>\u00a0legjitimitet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb re. Zgjedhjet e lira sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb parakusht p\u00ebr nj\u00eb\u00a0legjitimitet t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm<\/em>, t\u00eb cilin mund ta quajm\u00eb \u201cprotolegjitimitet\u201d, ose \u201clegjitimitet elektoral\u201d. Edhe pse nj\u00eb legjitimitet i till\u00eb, i p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm, rezulton nga nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje kushtetuese, ai\u00a0ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb provohet n\u00eb procesin e qeverisjes p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb relativisht t\u00eb gjat\u00eb<\/em>, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb konsolidohet e t\u00eb konsiderohet si legjitimitet i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, i bazuar n\u00eb konsensusin e qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera,\u00a0zgjedhjet e lira krijojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm premisat p\u00ebr legjitimimin e nj\u00eb qeverie, por nuk garantojn\u00eb funksionimin demokratik apo legjitimitetin e saj<\/em>. Sepse demokracia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht ose vet\u00ebm zgjedhje, as nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ngjarje e nj\u00eb dite t\u00eb vetme.\u00a0Demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces; zgjedhjet e lira jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm fillimi i k\u00ebtij procesi<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Parlamenti dhe lufta politike jasht\u00eb tij<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kritikat dhe lufta politike e partive opozitare ndaj qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb z. Rama mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendroheshin pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. A \u00ebsht\u00eb legjitimuar kjo qeveri, e dal\u00eb nga zgjedhjet e vitit 2017, n\u00eb procesin e qeverisjes s\u00eb vendit? N\u00ebse po, n\u00eb \u00e7\u2019mas\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb legjitimuar (sepse legjitimiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje mase) dhe n\u00ebse jo, pse? \u00c7far\u00eb nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb qeveria e z. Rama? \u00c7far\u00eb nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb mir\u00eb, ose nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar besimin e qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr administrimin e interesave e t\u00eb fateve t\u00eb tyre? \u00c7far\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb keq dhe pse?<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 vura n\u00eb dukje m\u00eb sip\u00ebr, n\u00eb \u00e7do vend demokratik, k\u00ebto kritika ndaj qeveris\u00eb dhe kjo luft\u00eb politike p\u00ebr nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb qeveris\u00ebse b\u00ebhen n\u00eb parlament. Ju mund t\u00eb thoni, ashtu si dhe un\u00eb, se ky parlament q\u00eb kemi\u2014si dhe ai q\u00eb kishim dy, gjasht\u00eb, dhjet\u00eb apo nj\u00ebzet\u00eb vite m\u00eb par\u00eb\u2014na ka zhg\u00ebnjyer shum\u00eb p\u00ebr cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb zgjedhur dhe pun\u00ebn e tyre. Dikush mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb (dhe un\u00eb kam d\u00ebgjuar njer\u00ebz q\u00eb thon\u00eb) se parlamenti yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cparlament prostitutash\u201d. Un\u00eb nuk dua ta besoj k\u00ebt\u00eb, por n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrtet k\u00ebshtu, at\u00ebher\u00eb, bashk\u00eb me \u00a0P. J. O\u2019Rourke duhet t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se, n\u00eb nj\u00eb demokraci parlamentare,\u00a0prostituta jemi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ne q\u00eb i votojm\u00eb ata<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb\u2014dhe fatkeq\u00ebsisht\u2014opozita shqiptare nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb parlament. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb dhe shpesh her\u00eb e paaft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kontrolloj\u00eb sentimentet, zem\u00ebrimin dhe veprimet e dhunshme t\u00eb mas\u00ebs s\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb e mb\u00ebshtesin opozit\u00ebn n\u00eb protestat e saj. Leon Trotski, vet\u00eb nj\u00eb anarkist, pohonte se, p\u00ebr anarkist\u00ebt dhe gjysm\u00ebanarkist\u00ebt, \u201cbojkotimi i institucioneve parlamentare diktohet nga nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e shfaqur dob\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre para masave n\u00eb nj\u00eb prov\u00eb zgjedhjesh\u201d.<\/p>\n

Protesta politike n\u00eb rrug\u00eb e n\u00eb sheshe publike, kur ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb paq\u00ebsore dhe ka nj\u00eb objektiv t\u00eb qart\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb, pa dyshim,\u00a0nj\u00eb mjet dhe nj\u00eb taktik\u00eb e ligjshme<\/em>\u2014dhe n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste\u00a0e dobishme<\/em>. Dhuna, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, n\u00eb kushtet e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie q\u00eb mund\u00ebson zgjidhjen n\u00eb rrug\u00eb paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb problemeve t\u00eb saj, \u00ebsht\u00eb e pajustifikuar. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e sotme, sado q\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr ndryshimin e sistemit aktual t\u00eb qeverisjes, dhuna nuk mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb, si\u00e7 thoshte Marksi, si \u201cmamija e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e mbarsur me nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb re\u201d.<\/p>\n

Protestat e dhunshme dhe \u201clufta n\u00eb rrug\u00eb\u201d krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb politike jodemokratike dhe nj\u00eb precedent negativ, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet, si\u00e7 ka ndodhur shum\u00eb her\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre 30 viteve t\u00eb fundit.\u00a0Dhuna, n\u00ebse ajo nuk pengohet, ka prirjen t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb dhun\u00eb<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Dhuna dhe qytet\u00ebrimi<\/strong><\/p>\n

Dhuna ose mungesa e saj jan\u00eb shprehje e shkall\u00ebs s\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb kombi.<\/em>\u00a0Sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb dhun\u00eb, aq m\u00eb pak i qytet\u00ebruar \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb komb. Dhuna rrezikon t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb format demokratike t\u00eb bashkekzistenc\u00ebs e t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs p\u00ebr vot\u00ebn e qytetar\u00ebve dhe drejtimin e vendit n\u00eb interes t\u00eb popullit me anarkin\u00eb politike, pasigurin\u00eb dhe vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb e kultur\u00ebs s\u00eb dhun\u00ebs, q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb gjendjen ekonomike, politike e shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb vendit dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebt perspektiv\u00ebn e integrimit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb komunitetin e popujve europian\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Adam Michnik ka theksuar se \u201cata q\u00eb nisin t\u00eb sulmojn\u00eb bastijat do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb duke ngritur bastijat e tyre\u201d. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb provuar m\u00ebse nj\u00eb her\u00eb. Ka ardhur koha q\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsojm\u00eb nga gabimet e historis\u00eb son\u00eb dhe t\u00eb mos i p\u00ebrs\u00ebrisim ato.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Prof. Fatos Tarifa Gjendja e sotme politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb s\u00ebrish nj\u00eb\u00a0katrahur\u00eb. Nj\u00eb gjendje sa\u00a0absurde, aq edhe, n\u00eb dukje,\u00a0e pashpres\u00eb. Kjo gjendje t\u00eb kujton vitet 1996-98, si edhe vitet m\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt 2011 dhe 2017. Pavar\u00ebsisht se zhvillimet apo ngjarjet e muajve t\u00eb fundit nuk jan\u00eb nj\u00eb\u00a0replica\u00a0e ngjarjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme, ato kan\u00eb nj\u00eb shkak t\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":6499,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9,4],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nDemokracia, qeverisja, dhuna - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Demokracia, qeverisja, dhuna - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Prof. Fatos Tarifa Gjendja e sotme politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb s\u00ebrish nj\u00eb\u00a0katrahur\u00eb. 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Pavar\u00ebsisht se zhvillimet apo ngjarjet e muajve t\u00eb fundit nuk jan\u00eb nj\u00eb\u00a0replica\u00a0e ngjarjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme, ato kan\u00eb nj\u00eb shkak t\u00eb […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2019-05-15T17:47:18+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/03\/Fatos-Tarifa.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"849\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"551\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"http:\/\/redaktori.com\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"http:\/\/redaktori.com\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"19 minuta\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827\",\"name\":\"Demokracia, qeverisja, dhuna - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/03\/Fatos-Tarifa.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2019-05-15T17:47:18+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2019-05-15T17:47:18+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/#\/schema\/person\/470e9b98b348cb5da953e2daff276aa2\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"sq\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"sq\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/03\/Fatos-Tarifa.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/03\/Fatos-Tarifa.jpg\",\"width\":849,\"height\":551},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Demokracia, qeverisja, dhuna\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/\",\"name\":\"http:\/\/redaktori.com - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!\",\"description\":\"\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":\"required name=search_term_string\"}],\"inLanguage\":\"sq\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/#\/schema\/person\/470e9b98b348cb5da953e2daff276aa2\",\"name\":\"http:\/\/redaktori.com\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"sq\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/5555287f41529e19277415e6cb9cfb4c?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/5555287f41529e19277415e6cb9cfb4c?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"http:\/\/redaktori.com\"}}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Demokracia, qeverisja, dhuna - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/redaktori.com\/?p=11827","og_locale":"sq_AL","og_type":"article","og_title":"Demokracia, qeverisja, dhuna - Informohu qart\u00ebsisht!","og_description":"Prof. Fatos Tarifa Gjendja e sotme politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb s\u00ebrish nj\u00eb\u00a0katrahur\u00eb. 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